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ずばり

みないでください

The Joys of Flann O'Brien

2005-10-13

There is scarcely a single word in the Irish…that is simple and explicit… Here is an example copied from Dinneen and from more authentic sources known only to my little self:

Cur, g. curtha and cuirthe, m. – act of putting, sending, sowing, raining, discussing, burying, vomiting, hammering into the ground, throwing through the air, rejecting, shooting…the act of inflating hare’s offal with a bicycle pump…a hawk’s vertigo…a wooden coat, a custard mincer…a stoat’s stomach-pump…

In Donegal there are native speakers who know so many million words that it is a matter of pride with them never to use the same word twice in a life-time.

* * * * *

‘What would you say a bulbul is?’ ‘Not one of those ladies who takes money?’ I said. ‘No.’ ‘Not the brass knobs on a German steam organ?’ ‘Not the knobs.’ ‘Nothing to do with the independence of
America or suchlike?’ ‘No.’ ‘A mechanical engine for winding clocks?’ ‘No.’ ‘A tumour, or the lather in a cow’s mouth, or those elastic articles that ladies wear?’ ‘A bulbul is a Persian nightingale’.

* * * * *

You have to remember the man in the street. I may understand you, Mr Lamont may understand you, Mr Furriskey may understand you – but the man in the street? Oh, by God you have to go very very slow if you want him to follow you.

* * * * *

Death by fire, you know, by God it’s no joke.

They tell me drowning is worse, Lamont said.

Do you know what it is, said Furriskey, you can drown me three times before you roast me. Yes, by God and six. Put your finger in a basin of water. What do you feel? Next to nothing. But put your finger in the fire!

* * * * *

‘Ah, yes, [says the
Dublin man] the two is in the one grave.’
Observe the unique
Dublin dual number in full flight.

* * * * *

I thought to myself, the chap said, that it was a right place to see wild angimals. I put meself on a 10 bus last Thursda. We got held up on the way and do you know be what?

I do not.

Be wild angimals.

* * * * *

Flann O'Brien/Myles na gCopaleen/Brian O'Nolan De Selby

From Chapter 8 of
The Third Policeman

Not excepting even the credulous Kraus (see his Do Selby's Leben), all the commentators have treated de Selby's disquisitions on night and sleep with considerable reserve. This is hardly to be wondered at since he held (a) that darkness was simply an accretion of 'black air', i.e., a staining of the atmosphere due to volcanic eruptions too fine to be seen with the naked eye and also to certain 'regrettable' industrial activities involving coal-tar by-products and vegetable dyes; and (b) that sleep was simply a succession of fainting-fits brought on by semi-asphyxiation due to (a). Hatchjaw brings forward his rather facile and ever-ready theory of forgery, pointing to certain unfamiliar syntactical constructions in the first part of the third so called 'prosecanto' in Golden Hours. He does not, however, suggest that there is anything spurious in de Selby's equally damaging rhodomontade in the Layman's Atlas where he inveighs savagely against 'the insanitary conditions prevailing everywhere after
six o'clock' and makes the famous gaffe that death is merely 'the collapse of the heart from the strain of a lifetime of fits and fainting'. Bassett (in Lux Mundi) has gone to considerable pains to establish the date of these passages and shows that de Selby was hors de combat from his long-standing gall-bladder disorders at least immediately before the passages were composed. One cannot lightly set aside Bassett's formidable table of dates and his corroborative extracts from contemporary newspapers which treat of an unnamed 'elderly man' being assisted into private houses after having fits in the street. For those who wish to hold the balance for themselves, Henderson's Hatchjaw and Bassett is not unuseful. Kraus, usually unscientific and unreliable, is worth reading on this point.

(Leben, pp. 17-37.)


As in many other of de Selby's concepts, it is difficult to get to grips with his process of reasoning or to refute his curious conclusions. The 'volcanic eruptions', which we may for convenience compare to the infra-visual activity of such substances as radium, take place usually in the 'evening' are stimulated by the smoke and industrial combustions of the 'day' and are intensified in certain places which may, for the want of a better term, be called 'dark places'. One difficulty is precisely this question of terms. A 'dark place' is dark merely because it is a place where darkness 'germinates' and 'evening' is a time of twilight merely because the 'day' deteriorates owing to the stimulating effect of smuts on the volcanic processes. De Selby makes no attempt to explain why a 'dark place' such as a cellar need be dark and does not define the atmospheric, physical or mineral conditions which must prevail uniformly in all such places if the theory is to stand. The 'only straw offered', to use Bassett's wry phrase, is the statement that 'black air' is highly combustible, enormous masses of it being instantly consumed by the smallest flame, even an electrical luminance isolated in a vacuum. 'This,' Bassett observes, 'seems to be an attempt to protect the theory from the shock it can be dealt by simply striking matches and may be taken as the final proof that the great brain was out of gear.'

A significant feature of the matter is the absence of any authoritative record of those experiments with which de Selby always sought to support his ideas. It is true that Kraus (ace below) gives a forty-page account of certain experiments, mostly concerned with attempts to bottle quantities of 'night' and endless sessions in locked and shuttered bedrooms from which bursts of loud hammering could be heard. He explains that the bottling operations were carried out with bottles which were, 'for obvious reasons', made of black glass. Opaque porcelain jars are also stated to have been used ,with some success'. To use the frigid words of Bassett, such information, it is to be feared, makes little contribution to serious deselbiana (sic).' Very little is known of Kraus or his life. A brief biographical note appears in the obsolete Bibliographie de de Selby. He is stated to have been born in Ahrensburg, near
Hamburg, and to have worked as a young man in the office of his father, who had extensive jam interests in North Germany. He is said to have disappeared completely from human ken after Hatchjaw had been arrested in a Sheephaven hotel following the unmasking of the de Selby letter scandal by The Times, which made scathing references to Kraus's 'discreditable' machinations in Hamburg and clearly suggested his complicity. If it is remembered that these events occurred in the fateful June when the County Album was beginning to appear in fortnightly parts, the significance of the whole affair becomes apparent. The subsequent exoneration of Hatchjaw served only to throw further suspicion on the shadowy Kraus.
Recent research has not thrown much light on Kraus's identity or his ultimate fate. Bassett's posthumous Recollections contains the interesting suggestion that Kraus did not exist at all, the name being one of the pseudonyms adopted by the egregious du Garbandier to further his 'campaign of calumny'. The Leben, however, seems too friendly In tone to encourage such a speculation.

Du Garbandier himself, possibly pretending to confuse the characteristics of the English and French languages, persistently uses 'black hair' for 'black air', and makes extremely elaborate fun of the raven-headed lady of the skies who deluged the world with her tresses every night when retiring. The wisest course on this question is probably that taken by the little known Swiss writer, Le Clerque. 'This matter,' he says, 'is outside the true province of the conscientious commentator inasmuch as being unable to say aught that is charitable or useful, he must preserve silence.'

* * * * *

Excerpt from
The Third Policeman, Chapter 4

'Is it about a bicycle?' he asked.

'Not that' said the Sergeant. 'This is a private visitor who says he did not arrive in the townland upon a bicycle. He has no personal name at all. His dadda is in far Amurikey.'

'Which of the two Amurikeys?' asked MacCruiskeen.

'The Unified Stations,' said the Sergeant.

'Likely he is rich by now if he is in that quarter,' said MacCruiskeen, 'because there's dollars there, dollars and bucks and nuggets in the ground and any amount of rackets and golf games and musical instruments. It is a free country too by all accounts.'

'Free for all,' said the Sergeant. 'Tell me this,' he said to the policeman, 'Did you take any readings today?'

'I did,' said MacCruiskeen.

'Take out your black book and tell me what it was like a good man,' said the Sergeant. Give me the gist of it till I see what I see,' he added.

MacCruiskeen fished a small black book from his breast pocket. 'Ten point six,' he said.

'Ten point six,' said the Sergeant. 'And what reading did you notice on the beam?'

'Seven point four.'

'How much on the lever?'

'One point five'

There was a pause here. The Sergeant put on an expression of great intricacy as if he were doing far-from-simple sums and calculations in his head. After a time his face cleared and he spoke again to his companion.

'Was there a fall?'

'A heavy fall at half-past three.'

'Very Understandable and commendably satisfactory,' said the Sergeant. 'Your supper is on the hob inside and be sure to stir the milk before you take any of it, the way the rest of us after you will have our share of the fats of it, the health of it.

Policeman MacCruiskeen smiled at the mention of food and went into the back room loosening his belt as he went; after a moment we heard the sounds of coarse slobbering as if he was eating porridge without the assistance of spoon or hand. The Sergeant invited me to sit at the fire in his company and gave me a wrinkled cigarette from his pocket.

'It is a lucky thing for your pop that is situated in Amurikey,' he remarked, 'if it is a thing that he is having trouble with the old teeth. It is very few sicknesses that are not from the teeth.' 'Yes,' I said. I was determined to say as little as possible and these unusual policeman first show their hand. Then I would know how to deal with them.

'Because a man can have more disease and germination in his gob than you'll find in a rat's coat and Amurikey is a country where the population do have grand teeth like shaving lather or like bits of delph when you break a plate.'

'Quite true,' I said.

'Or like eggs under a black crow.'

'Like eggs,' I said.

'Did you ever happen to visit the cinematograph in your travels?'

'Never' I answered humbly, but I believe it is a dark quarter and little can be seen at all except the photographs on the wall'.

'Well it is there you see the fine teeth they do have in Amurikey,' said the Sergeant.


'Policeman MacCruiskeen put the lamp on the table, shook hands with me and gave me the time of day with great gravity. His voice was high, almost feminine, and he spoke with delicate careful intonation. Then he put the lamp on the counter and surveyed the two of us.

* * * * *

Finn MacCool

by Flann O'Brien [Excerpt of extract...I guess....you decide....if you dare....]

Extract from my typescript descriptive of Finn Mac Cool and his people, being humorous or quasihumorous incursion into ancient mythology:

Of the musics you have ever got, asked Conan, which have you found the sweetest?

I will relate, said Finn.

When the seven companies of my warriors are gathered together on the one plain and the truant cleancold loudvoiced wind goes through them, too sweet to me is that. Echoblow of a gobletbase against the tables of the palace, sweet to me is that. I like gullcries and the twittering together of fine cranes. I like the surfroar at Tralee, the songs of the three sons of Meadhra and the whistle of Mac Lughaidh. These also please me, manshouts at a parting, cuckoocall in May. 1 incline to like pig grunting in Magh Eithne, the bellowing of the stag of Ceara, the whinging of fauns in Derrynish. The low warble of waterowls in Loch Barra also, sweeter than life that. I am fond of wingbeating in dark belfries, cowcries in pregnancy, troutspurt in a laketop. Also the whining of small otters in nettlebeds at evening, the croaking of smalljays behind a wall, these are heartpleasing. I am friend to the pilibeen, the red necked chough, the parsnip landrail, the pilibeen mona, the bottletailed tit, the common marshcoot, the speckletoed guillemot, the pilibeen sleibhe, the Mohar gannet, the peregrine ploughgull, the long eared bushowl, the Wicklow smallfowl, the bevil beaked chough, the hooded tit, the pilibeen uisce, the common corby, the fishtailed mudpiper, the cruiskeen lawn, the carrion seacock, the green ridded parakeet, the brown bogmartin, the maritime wren, the dovetailed wheatcrake, the beaded daw, the Galway hillbantam and the pilibeen cathrach. A satisfying ululation is the contending of a river with the sea. Good to hear is the chirping of little red breasted men in bare winter and distant hounds giving tongue in the secrecy of fog. The lamenting of a wounded otter in a black hole, sweeter than harpstrings that. There is no torture so narrow as to be bound and beset in a dark cavern without food or music, without the bestowing of gold on bards. To be chained by night in a dark pit without company of chessmen-evil destiny! Soothing to my ear is the shout of a hidden blackbird, the squeal of a troubled mare, the complaining of wildhogs caught in snow. Relate further for us, said Conan. It is true that I will not, said Finn. With that he rose to a full treehigh standing, the sable catguts which held his bogcloth drawers to the hems of his jacket of pleated fustian clanging together in melodious discourse. Too great was he for standing. The neck to him was as the bole of a great oak, knotted and seized together with musclehumps and carbuncles of tangled sinew, the better for good feasting and contending with the bards. The chest to him was wider than the poles of a good chariot, coming now out, now in, and pastured from chin to navel with meadows of black manhair and meated with layers of fine manmeat the better to hide his bones and fashion the semblance of his twin bubs. The arms to him were like the necks of beasts, ballswollen with their bunchedup brawnstrings and bloodveins, the better for harping and hunting and contending with the bards. Each thigh to him was to the thickness of a horse's belly, narrowing to a greenveined calf to the thickness of a foal. Three fifties of fosterlings could engage with handball against the wideness of his backside, which was wide enough to halt the march of warriors through a mountainpass. I am a bark for buffeting, said Finn, I am a hound for thornypaws. I am a doe for swiftness. I am a tree for windsiege. I am a windmill. I am a hole in a wall.

* * * * *


Three Beginnings

Excerpt from Flann O'Brien's At Swim-Two-Birds © 1939 by Brian O'Nolan

HAVING placed in my mouth sufficient bread for three minutes' chewing, I withdrew my powers of sensual perception and retired into the privacy of my mind, my eyes and face assuming a vacant and preoccupied expression. I reflected on the subject of my spare-time literary activities. One Beginning and one ending for a book was a thing I did not agree with. A good book may have three openings entirely dissimiliar and inter-related only in the prescience of the author, or for that matter one hundred times as many endings.

Examples of three separate openings - the first:

The Pooka MacPhellimey, a member of the devil class, sat in his hut in the middle of a firwood meditating on the nature of numerals and segregating in his mind the odd ones from the even. He was seated at his diptych or ancient two-leaved writing-table with inner sides waxed. His rough long-nailed fingers toyed with a snuff-box of perfect rotundity and through a gap in his teeth he whistled a civil cavatina. He was a courtly man and received honour by reason of the generous treatment he gave his wife, one of the Corrigans of Carlow.

The second opening:

There was nothing unusual in the appearance of Mr John Furriskey but actually he has one distinction that is rarely encountered - he was born at the age of twenty-five and entered the world with a memory but without personal experience to account for it. His teeth were well formed but stained by tabacco, with two molars filled and a cavity threatened in the left canine. His knowledge of physics was moderate and extended to Boyle's Law and the Parallelogram of Forces.

The third opening:

Finn Mac Cool was a legendary hero of old
Ireland. Though not mentally robust, he was a man of superb physique and development. Each of his thighs was as thick as a horses belly, narrowing to a calf as thick as the belly of a foal. Three fifties of fosterlings could engage with handball against the wideness of his backside, which was large enough to halt the march of men through a mountain-pass

Conclusion of Excerpt

* * * * *

The Gaelic Excerpt from 'Irish and Related Matters'- 'The Best of Myles'

Cur, g. curtha and cuirthe, m. - act of putting, sending, sowing, raining discussing, burying, vomiting, hammering into the ground, throwing through the air, rejecting, shooting, the setting or clamp in a rick of turf, selling,addressing, the crown of cast iron buttons which have been made bright by contact with cliff faces, the stench of congealing badgers suet, the luminence of glue-lice, a noise made in a house by an unauthorised person, a heron's boil, a leprachauns denture, a sheep biscuit, the act of inflating hare's offal with a bicycle pump, a leak in a spirit level, the whine of a sewage farm windmill, a corncrakes clapper, the scum on the eye of a senile ram, a dustmans dumpling, a beetles faggot, the act of loading ever rift with ore, a dumb man's curse, a blasket, a 'kur', a fiddlers occupational disease, a fairy godmothers father, a hawks vertigo, the art of predicting past events, a wooden coat, a custard-mincer, a blue-bottles 'farm', a gravy flask, a timber-mine, a toy craw, a porridge mill, a fair day donnybrook with nothing barred, a stoats stomach-pump, a broken-

* * * * *

Memoir on the Pooka's father, the Crack Mac Phellimey

Irish Poplin

The Birth of Fergus

Fergus ('The Pooka') MacPhellimey, a species of rural demon, was born of respectable but poor parents in the county Cork, in 1876, a year memorable for the ravages of potato scale and shepherd's scurvy. His father, known far and wide as The Crack MacPhellimey, was a hard working devil-tinker who attended fairs for the purpose of seducing farmers' boys from righteousness by offering them spurious coins of his own manufacture which (by means of a secret chemical process) had the effect of rotting the pocket or mattress which contained them and imparting a contagious dry tetter to the human body-the object of the traffic being to make the afflicted boys utter curses and ungodly maledictions.

He also retailed a line of magic shoddy of grey herringbone pattern with a faint red check, the peculiar quality of the fabric being that it dissolved into an evil smelling grey slime on coming into contact with water. This material he sold chiefly to the farming class in the west of
Ireland, a district subject to incessant rain.

Irish Poplin

The Crack was a familiar figure in his green coat of Irish poplin reaching from his neck to his heels and was welcome at any gathering on account of his sober and industrious habits, his skill as a fiddler, and his inexhaustable stock of anecdotes, rebuses and topographical poems, not a few of the latter being in the Gaelic language, an idiom he commanded with sweet charm.

What brought him to his greatest fame, however, was his skill as a dancer. His long poplin coat (was) worn chiefly to hide his slightly clubbed foot and consequently his feet were not to be seen when he danced, but their clump on the flags of a kitchen floor (was) so true and rhythmic that it was an unfailing delight to all present, and his easy accomplishment of the most intricate steps gave rise on more than one occasion to the opinion that he had three feet at least beneath the coat or maybe four.

Even his spurious coins, distributed unobtrusively when the night was far advanced, did little to reduce his welcome when he appeared on his travels at the end of the year, for the full course of the tetter (provided the rashes were not treated with brown-bread poultices), was only six months and ten days. He also received honour by reason of the generous treatment he gave his wife, one of the Brannigans of Rush.

The Birth of Fergus

It happened that Fergus was born in a deserted piggery early in the morning. A country gentleman, passing by on horse-back, chanced to look into the piggery and noticed a hoof and a hair-tail protruding from a heap of soiled straw. Dismounting, he approached and woke the Crack MacPhellimey, who was asleep in an upright posture at a nearby wall, the back of his head being towards the east. The gentleman, who was one of a far-seeing and provident disposition, produced his costly wash-leather purse and offered two and fourpence for the foal, explaining at the same time that his wife was with child and that he would require a horse for his son in about six or seven years time.

Perceiving that the offer was a generous one inasmuch as he did not own a foal, the Crack accepted it courteously. It was only when he withdrew the straw that he discovered that his wife had given him a son: a creature of human form covered with a soft yellowish down similar to that worn by chickens of the Rhode Island breed. The Crack then became subject to the pangs and pride of parenthood.

Conclusion of memoir.

* * * * *

The Workman's Friend

When things go wrong and will not come right, Though you do the best you can, When life looks black as the hour of night- A PINT OF PLAIN IS YOU ONLY MAN.

When Money's tight and is hard to get And your horse has also ran, When all you have is a heap of debt-- A PINT OF PLAIN IS YOUR ONLY MAN.

When health is bad and your heart feels strange, And your face is pale and wan, When doctors say that you need a change, A PINT OF PLAIN IS YOUR ONLY MAN

When food is scarce and your larder bare And no rashers grease your pan, When hunger grows as your meals are rare-- A PINT OF PLAIN IS YOUR ONLY MAN.

In time of trouble and lousy strife, You have still got a darlint plan, You still can turn to a brighter life- A PINT OF PLAIN IS YOUR ONLY MAN.

From: At Swim Two Birds,cited in: A Flan O' Brien Reader ed., Stephen Jones, The Viking Press,New York,1978,p.250.

* * * * *

St. Patricks Day

SIGNAL BOX SCENE:Jimmy is sitting down, engrossed in a newspaper. Ignatius is lolling on another chair, smoking. Jimmy shakes head and gestures at paper. He looks up, frowning.

JIMMY: Yiss. Saint Patrick's Day. Dya know, we might all be makin a mistake, a HIDYUS mistake. The brother says there was never anny such man as Saint Patrick.

IGNATIUS:Ah come here now,Jimmy, the national Apostle. That's no sort of talk to be givin out of you.

JIMMY: I'm oney tellin ya what the brother says. So far as I'm consairned, I have always been all FOR St. Patrick's Day. I think I've seen more Patrick's Dayu processions than anny man alive. What am I talkin about--didn't I walk in TWO of them. Th'oul fella was an Irish Forester with a green clawhammer on him and in nineteen and O twelve he med me step out in the brigade of the Glasnevin Branch of the Gaelic League with A KILT ON ME, man yiss, and a pipe band in front of us playing the Rakes of Malla.

IGN: That must have ben a great sight--yerself in kilts and a plaad over yer shoulder and the big knobbly knees on full display for all to see.

JIMMY: Oh now I looked damm well in them days. But th'oul fella would do yer heart good. There was no half measure there. He was a Forester, a Parnelite,a Votes-for Wimmin man, a Larkinite and a Gaelic Leaguer. Oh by gob yiss, guramahagut and beedahusht for further orders. Wan St. Patrick's Day when a gurrier of a parade sergeant barked out "Eyes Right Passin the Parnell Monument" th'oul fella turns a hard eye on him and says he, "Are ya Irishman at all?" Parnell didn't know Irish," says yer other man "Well be the powers," says th'oul fella, "if ya gev Parnell a glass of Scotch he'd soon let ya know whether he know Irish or not." Wasn't it good? If ya gev Parnell a glass of Scotch, ah?

IGN:That was a proper choke off, and good enough for him. How much Irish did Wolfe Tone know?

JIMMY: In the St. Patrick's procession of nine teen aught six th'oul fella, clawhammer an'all, wheeled the oney Irish-made bike in the world, a grand machine with bars of solid iron mad be Pierce of Wexford. In them days, of course, there was none of this jazz that was to come later about all the boozers been shut and refreshments for man and baste totally prohibited.

IGN: Yiss. That's changed now. Here's what I want to know. What's going to happen the Dog Show at Balle's Bridge, the oney place where ya CUD get a drink. Shure there won't be a soul there now bar the boulers an' the judges.

JIMMY: You're right there, Ignatius. In th'oul days it wasn't a mortal sin to swally a glass of malt to keep the cold out on the seventeenth of March, nwa,nor a pint either. That was a new sin invented by the politicians when we got the Free State, as a result of all them processions. Ah. God look down on us all but it takes time to learn a bit of sense.

IGN: Shure in Brian Beru's time thre was no licensing laws of anny description AT ALL. JIMMY: But O're here till I tell ya. The brother was on to me a couple of weeks ago about all this St. Patrick's Day turn out. First of all he wass complainin about the shenanigans that goes on in America on the seventeenth of March. It was as bad this year as anny year. They dyed the Ohio River and the Mississippi green. Walk into a pub in New York and order a glass of HARP--and that's the right name for a drink on St. Patrick's day. What happened? You get it all right but it's coloured green. Hah? HAH? That night ya go to a hop or a hooley or anny class of a dance,there's great gas and grand music on the fiddles and the bagpipes, a good time is had be all, but all the gerrls' HAIR IS GREEN. Do ya folly me?

IGN: That's saintintly carryin things a bit far. Green libstick too, I'll go bail.

JIMMY: Suppose you go in somewhere for a cuppa tay. Ya get it O.K. but what about the milk? GREEN! If a cop writes you a ticket for parkin yer car in the wrong place on that day, you're supposed to be pleased about it because th'ink in his fountain pen is green. A grurrier out of Synapore might offer ya a black cigarette anny time but on St. Patrick's Day a fella from Boston would be sure to give ya a GREEN cigarette. You see so much green over there that ya get green in the face and if ya get a pain in yer leg you're sure it's gangrene. Isn't it the limit? Don't be talkin man.

IGN: The green eye of the little yalla god.

JIMMY: But to come back to the brother. He says there's a whole crowd of people goin, some of them clever wans that writes books that say there was never anny Saint Patrick that it's all a yarn and a cock and bull story. There's another crowd that says that St. Patrick was a Protestant and thought nuthin of atin' half a sheep for his dinner of a Frida. Hah? But listen here, Ignatius. There's a couple of fellas in th'university that says all the dates about St. Patrick is wrong and furthermore--FURTHRTMORE--that ther was TWO Saint Patricks. Can ya bate that? TWO of yer holy men from across the say!

IGN. Well, I suppose that means that we should havbe two St. Patrick's Days, two processions and two shell-outs of a tanner for a bit of shamrock. If y'ask me ya can have too much of a good thing.

JIMMY: And here's a good wan. The brother met an oul fella below in Wiekla town and yer man said straight out of that there was no Saint Patrick and that the whole yarn was invented be Strongbow or somebody. The brothe asked him, if that was true, how come thre was no snakes in Ireland? Know what th'oul fella done? Laughed in the the brother's face. Me dear man, says he when I was a young man settin out to make me fortune, I first emiograted to Australia. There was work to be had there but it was too hard and the grub was something fierce. With the result was I continued me travels to New Zealand. Ever heard tell of New Zealand? Right. I'll tell ya wan thing about New Zealand. There isn't a single snake in the whole place.

IGN: Is that a fact? Don't tell me there was a third St. Patrick that went out there? In a currach?

JIMMY: Well the brother checked on that in the National Museum and he gob th'oul fella was dead right. There's not wan snake in all New Zealand.

IGN; Well, that seems to be a vote against a genuine Saint Patrick in Ireland.

JIMMY: Now looks here, Ignatius. If there was no Saint Patrick, how do we know we're Christians at all? If there was no Saint Patrick we might be no different than the heathen Chinee.

IGN: Shure the rale oul Irish were eye-dolitors, with witch doctors and fellas with rings on their noses.

JIMMY: I don't think this is a situation we can afford to take lyin down. The Gov'ment will have to step in. There's nuthin for it but to set up a Commission embracin all Parties and churches and interests to find out (A) was there a Saint Patrick, (B) if there was how manny was there, and (C) recommend penalties against people who are caught sayin that there was no Saint Patrick or allegin that there was five or six or too manny. Dya folly me?

IGN: I think you 've put yer finger on the proper remed-yial measure, Jimmy,

JIMMY: So far as I'm concerned, Ignatius I take this thing dead serious. I'm not goin to have some damn tinker or a smart-alec of a bowsie from God-knows where tellin me to me face that I'm nuthin oney a pagan. ME A PAGAN? What's the world comin to atchall?

* * * * *

Flann O'Brien takes a Humorous look at the process....

The Poor Mouth

Chapter 6

"After pondering the matter(marriage) for another year, I approached the Old-Fellow once more.

-Honest fellow! Said I, I'm two years waiting now without a wife and I don't think I'll ever do any good without one. I'm afraid the neighbors are mocking me. Do you think is there any help for the fix I'm in or will I be all alone until the day of my death and everlasting burial?

Boy! Said the Old-Fellow. 'Twould be necessary for you to know some girl.

If that's the way, I replied, where do you think the best girls are to be got?

In the Rosses without a doubt!

The Sea-cat entered my mind and I became a little worried. However, there is little use denying the truth and I trusted the Old-fellow.

If 'tis that way, said I in a bold voice. I'll go to the Rosses tomorrow to get a woman.

The Old-Fellow was dissatisfied with this kind of thing and endeavored for a while to coax me from the marriage-fever that had come upon me but, of course, I had no desire to break the resolution which was fixed for a year in my mind. He yielded finally and informed my mother of the news.

-Wisha! Said she, the poor creature!

If he manages to get a woman out of the Rosses, said the Old-Grey Fello, how do we know but that she'll have a dowry?

Wouldn't the likes of that be a great help to us at present in this house when the spuds are nearly finished and the last drop reached in the end of he bottle with us?

I wouldn't say that you haven't the truth of it! Said my mother.

They decided at last to yield completely to me. The Old Fellow said that he was acquainted with a man in Wweedore who had a nice curly-headed daughter who was as yet, unmarried although the young men from the two sandbanks were all about her, frenzied with eagerness to mary. Her father was name d Jams O'Donnell and Mabel was the maiden's name. I said that I would be satisfied to accept her.

The following day the Old-Fellow put a five noggin bottle in his pocket and both of us set out in the direction of Gweedore. IN the middle of the afternoon we reached that townland after a good walk while the daylight was still in the heavens. Suddenly the Old-fellow halted and sat down by the roadside.

Are we yet near the habitation and enduring home of the gentleman, Jams O'Donnell? Asked I softly and quietly, querying the Old-Fellow.

-We are! Said he. There is his house over yonder.

Fair enough, said I. Come on till we settle the deal and get our evening spuds. There's a sharp hunger on my hunger.

Little son! Said the Old-fellow sorrowfully, I'm afraid that you don't understand the world. T'is said in the good books that describe the affairs of the Gaelic paupers that its in the middle of the night that two men come visiting if they have a five-noggin bottle and are looking for a woman. Therefore we must sit here until the middle of the night comes.

But 'twill be wet tonight. The skies above are full.

Never mind! There's no use for us trying to escape from fate, oh, bosom friend!

We did not succeed in escaping that night either from fate or the rain. We were drenched into the skin and to the bones. When we reached Jams O'Donnell's floor finally, we were completely saturated, water running from us freely, wetting both Jams and his house as well as everything and living creature present. We quenched the fire and it had to be rekindled nine times.

Mabel was in bed(or had gone to her bed) but there is no necessity for me to describe the stupid conversation carried on by the Old-Fellow and Jams when they were discussing the question of the match. All the talk is available in the books which I have mentioned previously. When we left Jams at the bright dawn of day, the girl was betrothed to me and the Old Fellow was drunk. We reached Corkadoragha at the midhour of the day and were well satisfied with the night's business....."

---From:The Poor Mouth.Flann O'Brien,Trans Patrck Power,Viking,New York,1973.pp.79-84

* * * * *

From: A Flan O' Brien Reader.,Stephen Jones,ed.,Viking Press,New York,1978,pp.302-305

Yes,More of It

What happens to blows at a council meeting? It looks as if they might be exchanged! What does pandemonium do? It breaks loose, Describe its subsequent dominion, It reigns, How are allegations dealt with? Hotly, What is the mean temperature of an altercation,therefore? Heated, What is the behaviour of a heated altercation? It follows. What happens to order? It is restored, Alternatively, in what does the meeting break up? Disorder. What does the meeting do in disorder? Breaks up, In the what direction does the meeting break in disorder? Up! In what direction should I shut? Up!

* * * * *

You've got in Flann O'Brien himself some nice material to avoid long explanations about Irish pronunciation, for example :

SEAM ÓLD DEÓC
Loc : Bothán ar Bhán-chnuic Éireann ó. Am : An t-am go raibh Gaoidhil i nÉirinn beo. Pearsain i láthair : Sur Tharbhaigh Baiginal, an óifisear obh de Cbhín, in ful réidiméinteals; Tadhg agus Thadhgín; Éamon a'Chnuic; Seán Ó Duibhir a' Ghleanna; Séadna; agus Bran. - Sur Tharbhaigh : Aigh airéist iú, Éadbhart Hill, in de néam obh de Cbhín ! Aigh bhas reidhding baigh - - Bran : Bhuf, bhuf ! - Sur Tharbhaigh : Damhn, iú réibeal cur ! Aigh bhas reidhding baigh ond théard iú méic fbhait samhndad leidhc a seidisius spíts. Thú ios dios péarson iú méintiond Shawn Brogue ? - Seán Ó Duibhir : Cad é seo atá á rádh aige inonimadeel ? - Éamon a'Chnuic : Is follus gur chualaidh an phiast mise ag aithris mo chuid filíochta. "Sasanaigh do réabfainn mar do réabfainn sean-bhróg." - Taidhgín : Thí bhas tócuing abamht boots,
Sur. - Sur Tharbhaigh : Iú cean téil dat tú de Diuids. éabharaighbodaigh thiar ios indar airéist. Aigh bhil títs iú tú bí dioslóigheal. Cbhuic meairts ! (Ecseunt go dubhach)
Said a Sassenach back in
Dun Laoghaire "I pay homage to nationalist thaoghaire, But wherever I drobh I found signposts that strobh To make touring in Ireland so draoghaire."
There was an old man of the Isles Who suffered severely from pisles. He couldn't sit down Without a deep frown, So he had to row standing for misles.
* * * * *
An insoluble question
by Flann O'Brien
Once upon a time there was an old fellow, who was honest, charitable, wide-girdled and even-tempered - in short, an exceedingly good person. He was so ancient that he was well able to remember the great historical events which came to pass in Ireland a hundred years before, and he spoke Irish of a strange and awkward sort - the amount of it that he had - whose like is not to be encountered outside the Book of the Dun Cow, and often not in that book either. He had a stoop in his back and he always used to carry a blackthorn stick in his claw; he was stout, well-nourished, with two eyes twinkling lively beneath his white brows, and he wore neither collar nor tie but had a monstrous long white beard flowing down from his two ears on to his breast - enough fine fur to stuff a pair of pillows! The person who would understand the nobility of the elderly and the respect to which they are entitled would take a second look at this specimen. He was too good.
The old fellow lived with his son in a house, and (since we are telling a story in Irish), it was a small whitewashed house in the corner of the glen. Not far from his house was another in which a growing young lad lived with this family. The youngster was increasing in wisdom every day, and becoming astute and inquisitive.
One day he took his father aside and asked him a question - a great question that had been lying heavily on his mind for a long time.
'When this old fellow is in bed,' said the lad, 'does his beard be under the bedclothes, or does it be out in the open with the blankets tucked in underneath it?'
'That's a big question,' said the father, 'and I haven't got its solution. But go and ask your mother.'
This the lad did.
'I couldn't tell you that,' said the mother, 'but I have an idea that his son will know. Go over and put the question to him.'
This was done. The son was an affable fellow, who hadn't any guile in him, no more than his father. He reflected.
'I have slept in the same bed as him,' said he, 'from the time I was as small as yourself, and if I were to be flayed alive on this spot I couldn't answer that question - but here he is coming in now. Ask him yourself.'
The question was put. The Oldfellow contemplated deep and hard. He scourged his sluggish languid mind, and twisted and shook his memory. He closed his eyes and visualised himself lying in his bed. He tried his utmost, but, alas, it was no use.
'I don't know,' he said simply. He felt sad and ashamed that he could solve such an easy question, after all he had seen of the world.
'Come back tomorrow, little man,' said he, 'and I'll have the answer to your question.'
'Thank you,' said the youngster.
The day departed and the night arrived. The Oldfellow headed for bed. He put on his nightshirt and his sleeping bonnet, he snuggled himself down cosily, put his head on the pillow, arranged the bedclothes compactly and carefully under his beard, and lay there trying to sleep. But he did not lie there for long. His chinbone began to itch, with a a firm fiery itch. His neck began to get sore and his ears warm; the bedclothes were irritating his beard. Isn't it foolish my old head is tonight, he thought, and me without my beard under the blankets as it has been for forty years. Angrily he put the clothes over the beard and again tried to sleep. Within a minute, however, he was again at a loss; he was truly wretched, in pain and torment. Had twenty crows been attempting to build nests in that beard, they wouldn't have caused him more distress.
'Damn!' said the Oldfellow.
He controlled the fit of anger that was coming over him, and made an attempt to remedy the situation. He placed half the beard inside and half the beard outside; he lay on his face; he lay on the hair itself; and he put his head completely under the bedclothes. But each solution was worse than the previous one...
The Oldfellow sat up and pondered gloomily to himself. Then he decided that it would be a good idea to get up and make a strong cup of tea, and to put the boy's question completely out of his mind; afterwards he would go back to bed, and only just when he had almost fallen asleep, would recall the question.
'I will make a cup of dark, mysterious, uncharted tea,' said the Oldfellow.
He rose and located the dark stairway leading down to the kitchen. Thus it happened that he continued walking the floor without the floor being there: the beginning of the stairs and the conclusion of the floor was in that place. He descended like a sack of flour. He broke his neck and split open his skull, and his soul sundered from his body.
That youngster is still living. He goes to school, acquiring education, and that question still remains in his heart, unsolved. He will presently understand that all knowledge is not to be found in the books, and he will put the question to some other old fellow; and if the worst comes to the worst he can wait until the arrival of his own beard (if such is destined to him) and banish the deadly doubt from him for ever.
But maybe God will give him sense.
* * * * *

LITERALLY FROM THE IRISH
M
I was a day in Dingle and Paddy James, my sister's man, in company with me and us in the direction of each other in the running of the day.
A man he was that would not have a glass of whiskey long between the hands, or a pint of black porter either, without shooting them backwards; but he got no sweet taste ever on the one he would buy himself, and great would be the pleasure with him that another man should nudge him in the back to ask him to have one with him.
* * * * *

Story of an octopus
A deep-sea diver, exploring the situation of a torpedoed man-of-war, was about to come to the surface when he noticed a young octopus in trouble. This not unhandy citizen -denizen of what but the deep ?- had managed to get one of his 'feet' caught in the wreck, and was writhing in great agony. The diver, a kind-hearted man - albeit one crossed in love - decided to go to the succour of his fellow sub-acquate. Seizing a piece of steel wreckage, he prized away one of the baulks imprisoning the octopus's tentacle and thus released the unhappy sufferer.
The diver then, rejoicing in a good deed well done, turned to the ladder and gave his mate on the surface the signal to hoist. To his surprise, however, the young octopus began to accompany him upwards, paddling with great respect beside him. The look of gratitude on the large face of the octopus much moved the diver. Nevertheless, he made a deprecatory gesture and pushed the octopus away. "Please go home, " he said. "But sir," the octopus cried, "you have been so kind, so considerate, so helpful - I crave from you only the boon of accompanying you to your home, there to dwell with you for aye...!" "Don't be a sucker," the diver growled, "where I live I haven't room for myself. You'll have to stay here in the sea. Anyway, I don't like that fancy inflated talk." "Kind sir, " the octopus implored, I will gladly live in your garden, or up a tree, or sit at night on the roof of your house. I will take up no room at all, sir. In the morning I will clean your boots. I will take the sea-weed out of your diving boots. As well as that I will polish the floors. I have eight hands, you might say, sir, and would be very useful about the house and the yard."
"Oh, don't be trying to plámás me, " the diver muttered. "And I can go down into the sea with you," the octopus besought . "And get yourself caught in wreckage ?" "No sir, never again will I suffer that to occur. I will be most careful, sir. I will do anything you say if you permit me to live with you and repay your kindness." "Oh... very well," the diver snapped. "Swim over to that ship where you won't be seen coming out of the sea and I'll collect you in my van in an hour's time."
"Oh, thank you, sir," the octopus said, making what seemed to be a smile. In due course the diver collected the octopus in his van, brought him home and lodged him in the dustbin until the following day, when he would have an opportunity of assigning him simple household tasks, so that his bona fides could be tested.
The octopus proved to be ever better than his word. He proved expert at scrubbing and polishing floors, cleaned windows, made beds, lit fires and even learned to make tea. He also managed to dig the garden after a fashion and never asked for a day off from his manifold duties.
After a year the diver had to admit that the octopus was a dear friend, and felt that some little token of esteem was called for. He therefore said to him one day :
"In another week it will be exactly a year since you came to this house. I feel I would like to give you a present to mark the occasion. Would you please tell me what you would like ?" The octopus blushed with pleasure. "It is so terribly handsome of you," he said, "it is more than kind. And to answer your question, there is only one thing I would really like." "And what is that ?" "A bagpipes, sir." "A bagpipes it shall be," the diver said, "and the best that money can buy." On the day appointed the octopus was presented with his bagpipes. With cries of delight, he ran up with it to the attic where he customarily lodged. And after an interval the diver was horrified to hear blood-curdling screams, squeaks, roars, wails and general din descending from the octopus's quarters. What... on earth ? Rushing up to investigate, he was startled to find the bagpipes playing the octopus !
* * * * *
Myles na gCopaleen
From His Newspaper writings... Most of you will know that Dinneen is held up as the ultimate dictionary ... "The Irish lexicographer Dinneen considered in vacuo is, heaven knows, funny enough. He just keeps on standing on his head, denying stoutly that pile/ar means bullet and asserting that it means 'an inert thing or person'. Nothing stumps him. He will promise the sun, moon and stars to anybody who will catch him out. And well he may. Just take the sun, moon and stars for a moment. Sun, you say, is grian. Not at all. Dinneen shouts that grian means 'the bottom (of a lake, well)'. You are a bit nettled and mutter that, anyway, gealach means moon. Wrong again. Gealach means 'the white circle in a slice of a half-boiled potato, turnip, etc'. In a bored voice he adds that re/alta (of course) means 'a mark on the forehead of a beast'. Most remarkable man. Eclectic I think is the word.
"That, of course, is why I no longer write Irish. No damn fear. I didn't come down in the last shower. Call me a bit fastidious if you like but I like to have some idea of what I'm writing. Libel, you know. One must be careful. If I write in Irish what I conceive to be 'Last Tuesday was very wet,' I like to feel reasonably sure that what I've written does not in fact mean 'Mr So-and-so is a thief and a drunkard.
-from:The Best of Myles,ed. Kevin O' Nolan,Hart-Davis,London,1975.
* * * * *
* * * * *
Memoir on the Pooka's father, the Crack Mac Phellimey

· Fergus ('The Pooka') MacPhellimey, a species of rural demon, was born of respectable but poor parents in the county Cork, in 1876, a year memorable for the ravages of potato scale and shepherd's scurvy. His father, known far and wide as The Crack MacPhellimey, was a hard working devil-tinker who attended fairs for the purpose of seducing farmers' boys from righteousness by offering them spurious coins of his own manufacture which (by means of a secret chemical process) had the effect of rotting the pocket or mattress which contained them and imparting a contagious dry tetter to the human body-the object of the traffic being to make the afflicted boys utter curses and ungodly maledictions.
He also retailed a line of magic shoddy of grey herringbone pattern with a faint red check, the peculiar quality of the fabric being that it dissolved into an evil smelling grey slime on coming into contact with water. This material he sold chiefly to the farming class in the west of
Ireland, a district subject to incessant rain.

Irish Poplin
The Crack was a familiar figure in his green coat of Irish poplin reaching from his neck to his heels and was welcome at any gathering on account of his sober and industrious habits, his skill as a fiddler, and his inexhaustable stock of anecdotes, rebuses and topographical poems, not a few of the latter being in the Gaelic language, an idiom he commanded with sweet charm.
What brought him to his greatest fame, however, was his skill as a dancer. His long poplin coat (was) worn chiefly to hide his slightly clubbed foot and consequently his feet were not to be seen when he danced, but their clump on the flags of a kitchen floor (was) so true and rhythmic that it was an unfailing delight to all present, and his easy accomplishment of the most intricate steps gave rise on more than one occasion to the opinion that he had three feet at least beneath the coat or maybe four.
Even his spurious coins, distributed unobtrusively when the night was far advanced, did little to reduce his welcome when he appeared on his travels at the end of the year, for the full course of the tetter (provided the rashes were not treated with brown-bread poultices), was only six months and ten days. He also received honour by reason of the generous treatment he gave his wife, one of the Brannigans of Rush.
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The Birth of Fergus
It happened that Fergus was born in a deserted piggery early in the morning. A country gentleman, passing by on horse-back, chanced to look into the piggery and noticed a hoof and a hair-tail protruding from a heap of soiled straw. Dismounting, he approached and woke the Crack MacPhellimey, who was asleep in an upright posture at a nearby wall, the back of his head being towards the east. The gentleman, who was one of a far-seeing and provident disposition, produced his costly wash-leather purse and offered two and fourpence for the foal, explaining at the same time that his wife was with child and that he would require a horse for his son in about six or seven years time.
Perceiving that the offer was a generous one inasmuch as he did not own a foal, the Crack accepted it courteously. It was only when he withdrew the straw that he discovered that his wife had given him a son: a creature of human form covered with a soft yellowish down similar to that worn by chickens of the Rhode Island breed. The Crack then became subject to the pangs and pride of parenthood.
Conclusion of memoir.
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Booze the Trade in
Dublin
· In the last ten years there has been a marked change in the decor of boozing in
Dublin.
The old-time pub was something in the nature of an Augean stable (it is true that Pegasus was often tethered there) with liberal lashings of sawdust and mopping-rags to prevent the customers from perishing in their own spillings and spewings. No genuine Irishman could relax in comfort and feel at home in a pub unless he was sitting in deep gloom on a hard seat with a very sad expression on his face, listening to the drone of bluebottle squadrons carrying out a raid on the yellow sandwich cheese.
In those days a definite social stigma attached to drinking. It was exclusively a male occupation and on that account (and apart from anything temperence advocates had to say) it could not be regarded as respectable by any reasonable woman. Demon rum was a pal of the kind one is ashamed to be seen with. Even moderate drinkers accepted themselves as genteel degenerates and could slink into a pub with as much feline hug-the-wall as any cirrhotic whiskey-addict, there to hide even from each other in dim secret snugs. A pub without a side-door up a lane would have been as well off with no door at all
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Recent Times: Up to recent times the only improvement was the bar parlour, a dark privacy at the rear where any respectable bowler-hatted gentleman from the countinghouse of a large drapery concern could tinkle in peace at his hot mid-day whiskey.
Such places were clean and comfortable enough, though often equipped with forbidding furniture of the marble-topped and iron-legged variety usually found in morgues and fish-shops. Latterly, however, we have had the Lounge, the Oak Lounge, and the Octagonal Lounge, and still more refined booze shops called brasseries and butteries where obsequious servers in white coats will refuse point-blank to give you beer, even if your doctor has certified under his own hand that you will drop dead after one glass of spirits.
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Brother Barnabus
The numerous friends and admireres of Brother Barnabus will be glad to hear that he is still alive and well; though convulsions, teething, whooping-cough, mumps, rickets and a host of other infantile complaints which have assailed the great man in his old age tend to make his public appearance, which in print and in person become rarer and rarer with the passing years, a ludicrous farce.
He now lives in retirement in a rustic bog-farm in the
County Meath, where the cultivation of bog-oak orchards and peat parking-poles has become the sole anchor that chains his feeble wits to earth.
He is attended day and night by a buxom nurse, provided by the Board of Works, and the giggles and hoarse chuckling that can be heard at dusk from the density of the turf-trollops bespeak a waggish vitality that is reluctant to yield the palm to Father Time.
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Cavalcade
Mr Eamon de Valera arrived. Mr Eamon de Valera arrived, accompanied by his son, Vivion Mr Eamon de Valera arrived, accompanied by Mr Vivion de Valera.
Messrs Eamon and Vivion de Valera arrived. Messrs Vivion and Eamon de Valera arrived. Mr Vivion de Valera arrived, accompanied by Mr Eamon de Valera.
Mr Vivion de Valera arrived, accompanied by his father, Eamon.
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Sgíth mo chrob ón sgríbinn
My hand has a pain from writing, Not steady the sharp tool of my craft Its slender beak spews bright ink - A beetle-dark shining draught.
Streams of the wisdom of white God From my fair-brown, fine hand sally, On the page they splash their flood In ink of the green-skinned holly.
My little dribbly pen stretches Across the white paper plain, Insatiable for splendid riches - That is why my hand has a pain.
-translation of ancient irish poem
* * * * *
"A Bash in the Tunnel"
Flann O'Brien
In this astonishing commentary on James Joyce, Flann O'Brien reveals what it was that "stately plump Buck Mulligan" saw in the cracked looking glass of Irish art.
James Joyce was an artist. He has said so himself. His was a case of Ars gratia Artist. He declared that he would pursue his artistic mission even if the penalty was as long as eternity itself. This seems to be an affirmation of belief in Hell, therefore of belief in Heaven and God.
A better title of this piece might be: Was Joyce Mad? by Hamlet, Prince of
Denmark. Yet there is a reason for the present title.
Some thinkers--all Irish, all Catholic, some unlay--have confessed to discerning a resemblance between Joyce and Satan. True, resemblances there are. Both had other names, the one Stephen Dedalus, the other Lucifer; the latter name, meaning 'Maker of Light,' was to attract later the ironical gloss 'Prince of Darkness'! Both started off very well under unfaultable teachers, both were very proud, both had a fall. But they differed on one big, critical issue. Satan never denied the existence of the Almighty; indeed he acknowledged it by challenging merely His primacy. Joyce said there was no God, proving this by uttering various blasphemies and obscenities and not being instantly struck dead.
A man once said to me that he hated blasphemy, but on purely rational grounds. If there is no God, he said, the thing is stupid and unnecessary. If there is, it's dangerous.
Anatole
France says this better. He relates how, one morning, a notorious agnostic called on a friend who was a devout Catholic. The devout Catholic was drunk and began to pour forth appalling blasphemies. Pale and shocked, the agnostic rushed from the house. Later, a third party challenged him on this incident.
You have been saying for years that there is no God. Why then should you be so frightened at somebody else insulting this God who doesn't exist?'
I still say there is no God. But that fellow thinks there is. Suppose a thunderbolt was sent down to strike him dead. How did I know I wouldn't get killed as well? Wasn't I standing beside him?'
Another blasphemy, perhaps--doubting the Almighty's aim. Yet it is still true that all true blasphemers must be believers.
What is the position of the artist in
Ireland?
Just after the editors had asked me to try to assemble material for this issue of Envoy, I went into the Scotch House in
Dublin to drink a bottle of stout and do some solitary thinking. Before any considerable thought had formed itself, a man--then a complete stranger--came, accompanied by his drink, and stood beside me: addressing me by name, he said he was surprised to see a man like myself drinking in a pub.
My pub radar screen showed up the word 'TOUCHER.' I was instantly on my guard.
'And where do you think I should drink?' I asked. 'Pay fancy prices in a hotel?'
'Ah, no,' he said, 'I didn't mean that. But any time I feel like a good bash myself, I have it in the cars. What will you have?'
I said I would have a large one, knowing that his mysterious reply would entail lengthy elucidation.
'I needn't tell you that that crowd is a crowd of bastards,' was his prefatory exegesis.
Then he told me all. At one time his father had a pub and grocery business, situated near a large
Dublin railway terminus. Every year the railway company invited tenders for the provisioning of its dining cars, and every year the father got the contract. (The narrator said he thought this was due to the territorial proximity of the house, with diminished handling and cartage charges.)
The dining cars (hereinafter known as 'the cars') were customarily parked in remote sidings. It was the father's job to load them from time to time with costly victuals--eggs, rashers, cold turkey and whiskey. These cars, bulging in their lonely sidings, with such fabulous fare, had special locks. The father had the key, and nobody else in the world had authority to open the doors until the car was part of a train. But my informant had made it his business, he told me, to have a key, too.
'At that time,' he told me, 'I had a bash once a week in the cars.'
One must here record two peculiarities of Irish railway practice. The first is a chronic inability to 'make up' trains in advance, i.e., to estimate expected passenger traffic accurately. Week after week a long-distance train is scheduled to be five passenger coaches and a car. Perpetually, an extra 150 passengers arrive on the departure platform unexpectedly. This means that the car must be detached, a passenger coach substituted, and the train dispatched foodless and drinkless on its way.
The second peculiarity--not exclusively Irish--is the inability of personnel in charge of shunting engines to leave coaches, parked in far sidings, alone. At all costs they must be shifted.
That was the situation as my friend in the Scotch House described it. The loaded dining cars never went anywhere, in the long-distance sense. He approved of that. But they were subject to endless enshuntment. That, he said, was a bloody scandal and a waste of the taxpayers' money.
When the urge for a 'bash' came upon him his routine was simple. Using his secret key, he secretly got into a parked and laden car very early in the morning, penetrated to the pantry, grabbed a jug of water, a glass and a bottle of whiskey and, with this assortment of material and utensil, locked himself in the lavatory.
Reflect on that locking. So far as the whole world was concerned, the car was utterly empty. It was locked with special, unprecedented locks. Yet this man locked himself securely within those locks.
Came the dawn--and the shunters. They espied, as doth the greyhound the hare, the lonely dining car, mute, immobile, deserted. So they couple it up and drag it to another siding at Liffey Junction. It is there for five hours but it is discovered (by 'that crowd of bastards,' i.e. other shunters) and towed over to the yards behind Westland Row Station.
Many hours later it is shunted on to the tail of the Wexford Express but later angrily detached owing to the unexpected arrival of extra passengers.
'And are you sitting in the lavatory drinking whiskey all the time?' I asked.
'Certainly I am,' he answered. 'What the hell do you think lavatories in trains is for? And with the knees of me trousers wet with me own whiskey from the jerks of them shunter bastards!'
His resentment was enormous. Be it noted that the whiskey was not in fact his own whiskey, that he was that oddity, an unauthorised person.
'How long does a bash in the cars last?' I asked him.
'Ah, that depends on a lot of things,' he said. 'As you know, I never carry a watch.' (Exhibits cuffless, hairy wrist in proof.) 'Did I ever tell you about the time I had a bash in the tunnel?'
He has not--for the good reason that I had never met him before.
'I seen meself,' he said, 'once upon a time on a three-day bash. The bastards took me out of Liffey Junction down to Hazelhatch. Another crowd shifted me into
Harcourt Street yards. I was having a good bash at this time, but I always try to see, for the good of me health, that a bash doesn't last more than a day and a night. I know it's night outside when it's dark. If it's bright, it's day. Do you follow me?'
'I think I do.'
'Well, I was about on the third bottle when this other shunter crowd come along--it was dark, about eight in the evening--and nothing would do them only bring me into the Liffey Tunnel under the Phoenix Park and park me there. As you know I never use a watch. If it's bright, it's day. If it's dark, it's night. Here was meself parked in the tunnel, opening bottle after bottle in the dark, thinking the night was a very long one, stuck there, in the tunnel. I was three-quarters way into the jigs when they pulled me out of the tunnel into Kingsbridge. I was in bed for a week. Did you ever in your life hear of a greater crowd of bastards?'
'Never,'
'That was the first and last time I ever had a bash in the tunnel.'
Funny? But surely there you have the Irish artist? Sitting fully dressed, innerly locked in the toilet of a locked coach where he has no right to be, resentfully drinking somebody else's whiskey, being whisked hither and thither by anonymous shunters, keeping fastidiously the while on the outer face of his door the simple word, ENGAGED?
I think the image fits Joyce: but particularly in his manifestation of a most Irish characteristic--the transgressor's resentment with the nongressor.
A friend of mine found himself next door at dinner to a well-known savant who appears in Ulysses. (He shall be nameless, for he still lives.) My friend, making dutiful conversation, made mention of Joyce. The savant said that
Ireland was under a deep obligation to the author of Joyce's Irish Names of Places. My friend lengthily explained that his reference had been to a different Joyce. The savant did not quite understand, but ultimately confessed that he had heard certain rumours about the other man. It seemed that he had written some dirty books, published in Paris.
'But you are a character in one of them,' my friend incautiously remarked.
The next two hours, to the neglect of wine and cigars, were occupied with a heated statement by the savant that he was by no means a character in fiction, he was a man, furthermore he was alive and he had published books of his own.
'How can I be a character in fiction,' he demanded, 'if I am here talking to you?'
That incident may be funny, too, but its curiosity is this: Joyce spent a lifetime establishing himself as a character in fiction. Joyce created, in narcissus fascination, the ageless Stephen. Beginning with importing real characters into his books, he achieves the magnificent inversion of making them legendary and fictional. It is quite preposterous. Thousands of people believe that there once lived a man named Sherlock Holmes.
Joyce went further than Satan in rebellion.
Two characters who confess themselves based on Aquinas: Joyce and Maritain.
In Finnegans Wake, Joyce appears to favour the Vico theory of inevitable human and recurring evolution--theocracy: aristocracy: democracy: chaos.
'A.E.' referred to the chaos of Joyce's mind.
That was wrong, for Joyce's mind was indeed very orderly. In composition he used coloured pencils to keep himself right. All his works, not excluding Finnegans Wake, have a rigid classic pattern. His personal moral and family behaviours were impossible. He seems to have deserved equally with George Moore the sneer about the latter--he never kissed, but told.
What was really abnormal about Joyce? At Clongowes he had his dose of Jesuit casuistry. Why did he substitute his home-made chaosistry?
It seems to me that Joyce emerges, through curtains of salacity and blasphemy, as a truly fear-shaken Irish Catholic, rebelling not so much against the Church but against its near-schism Irish eccentricities, its pretence that there is only one Commandment, the vulgarity of its edifices, the shallowness and stupidity of many of its ministers. His revolt, noble in itself, carried him away. He could not see the tree for the woods. But I think he meant well. We all do, anyway.
What is Finnegans Wake? A treatise on the incommunicable night-mind? Or merely an example of silence, and punning?
I doubt whether the contents of this issue will get many of us any forrarder.
A certain commentator seeks to establish that Joyce was at heart an Irish dawn-bursting romantic, an admirer of de Valera, and one who dearly wished to be recalled to Dublin as an aging man to be crowned with a D.Litt. from the National and priest-haunted University. This is at least possible, if only because it explains the preposterous 'esthetic' affectations of his youth, which included the necessity for being rude to his dying mother. The theme here is that a heart of gold was beating under the artificial waistcoat. Amen.
The number of people invited to contribute to this issue has necessarily been limited. Yet it is curious that none makes mention of Joyce's superber quality: his capacity for humour. Humour, the handmaid of sorrow and fear, creeps out endlessly in all Joyce's works. He uses the thing, in the same way as Shakespeare does but less formally, to attenuate the fear of those who have belief and who genuinely think that they will be in hell or in heaven shortly, and possibly very shortly. With laughs he palliates the sense of doom that is the heritage of the Irish Catholic. True humour needs this background urgency: Rabelais is funny, but his stuff cloys. His stuff lacks tragedy.
Perhaps the true fascination of Joyce lies in his secretiveness, his ambiguity (his polyguity, perhaps?), his leg-pulling, his dishonesties, his technical skill, his attraction for Americans. His works are a garden in which some of us may play. This issue of Envoy claims to be merely a small bit of that garden.
But at the end, Joyce will still be in his tunnel, unabashed.
* * * * *
Bibliography
Novels, At Swim-Two-Birds (
London: Longmans, Green & Co.; reiss. London: MacGibbon & Kee 1960; rep. Penguin, 1967, 1977, 1986 &c.), French trans. as Kermesse irlandaise (Paris: Gallimard 1964); An Béal Bocht (Dublin: An Press Naisiúnta 1941; Dolmen Press 1964), and Do., translated by Patrick Power as The Poor Mouth: A Bad Story about the Hard Life (London: Hart-Davis 1964, MacGibbon & Kee 1973), ill. Seán O’Sullivan; Faustus Kelly: A Play in Three Acts (Dublin: Cahill 1943); The Hard Life: An Exegesis of Squalor (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1961), 159pp., dw ill. Seán O’Sullivan; Four Square Books 1964; Picador 1976; Flamingo 1994, &c.), trans. in French as Une vie de chien (Paris: Gallimard 1972); The Dalkey Archive (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1964); The Third Policeman (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1967), and Do., rep. edn. (Harmondsworth Penguin 1986) [with copy of O’Brien’s letter to William Saroyan, 14 Feb. 1940], and Do., rep. edn. (London: HarperCollins 1993); Kevin O’Nolan, ed., The Best of Myles: A Selection from ‘Cruiskeen Lawn’ (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1968; Grafton 1987; Paladin 1990); Stories and Plays, intro. by Claud Clockburn (London: Hart-Davis, MacGibbon 1973); Anne Clissmann and David Powell, eds., ‘A Flann O’Brien-Myles na Gopaleen Portfolio’, in Journal of Irish Literature III, 1 (Delaware: Jan. 1974); Kevin O’Nolan, ed., Further Cuttings from Cruiskeen Lawn’ (London: Hart-Davis, MacGibbon 1976); The Various Lives of Keats and Chapman,[and] The Brother, ed. and intro. Benedict Kiely (London: Hart-Davis, MacGibbon 1976); The Hair of the Dogma: A Further Selection from ‘Cruiskeen Lawn’ (Hart-Davis &c 1977); Stephen Jones, ed., A Flann O’Brien Reader (NY: Viking 1978); Martin Green, ed, Myles Away from Dublin (Granada 1985).
Dramatic Works, Robert Tracy, ed., Rhapsody in Stephen’s Green: The Insect Play (Dublin: Lilliput Press 1994), 88pp. [one act prev. held at
Illinois Univ.; whole text rediscovered in Hilton Edward’s prompt copy of 1943].
Reprints & Collections, At Swim-Two-Bird (
London: Jonathan Cape 1939; reiss. MacGibbon & Kee 1960; Penguin 1991); The Hard Life (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1961; Paladin 1992), and Do. (Scribner/Townhouse 2003), 170pp.; The Dalkey Archive (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1964; Paladin 1990); The Third Policeman (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1967; Paladin 1993); The Best of Myles (London: MacGibbon & Kee 1968; Paladin 1993); An Béal Bocht [1941] (Dublin: Dolmen Press 1964), translated by Patrick Power as The Poor Mouth (London: Hart-Davis; MacGibbon & Kee 1973; Paladin 1993); Stories and Plays (London: Hart-Davis, MacGibbon 1973; Paladin 1991); Hair of the Dogma, ed. Kevin O’Nolan (London: Grafton 1989; Paladin 1993); John Wyse Jackson, ed., Flann O’Brien at War: Myles na gCopaleen 1940-1945 (Duckworth 2000), 191pp.; The Various Lives of Keats and Chapman [and] The Brother (Dublin & NY: Scribner/Townhouse 2003), 188pp.
Miscellaneous, three documentary articles for The Bell in 1940 [dog-tracks dancehalls, and pubs]; autobiographical notice, in Twentieth Century Authors (1934); ‘De Me’, an autobiographical piece, appeared in New Ireland [QUB student mag.] (March 1964); ‘Can a Saint Hit Back’, in The Guardian (19 Jan. 1966) [autobiographical and based on idea attributable to St Augustine]; Myles na Gopaleen writing on a Rouault painting in The Irish Times (1942; rep. in Fintan Cullen, Ed., Sources in Irish Art: A Reade, Cork UP 2000); ‘Editorial Note’, in Envoy: An Irish Review of Literature and Art [“James Joyce” Issue], 5, 7 (April 1951), pp.6-11 [rep. [with variations, as infra] as ‘A Bash in the Tunnel’ in John Ryan, ed., A Bash in the Tunnel: James Joyce by the Irish (Brighton: Clifton Books 1970), pp.15-20.] Note also: As Myles Na gCopaleen, ed., [sole] anthology of Irish Times “Cruiskeen Lawn” column (1943).
Contributions to Comhtrom Féinne [later The National Student, UCD] (May 1931-May 1935) [sel. in Myles before Myles, 1985]; Blather,
Dublin [anon. and var. pseuds.] (August 1934-January 1935) [sel. in Myles before Myles, 1985]; ‘Cruiskeen Lawn’ by Myles na gCopaleen/Gopaleen, The Irish Times (4 October 1940-1 April 1966); ‘Drink and Time in Dublin’ by Myles na gCopaleen, article, Irish Writing, 1 (1946) [rep. in Vivian Mercier and David H. Greene, 1000 Years of Irish Prose (NY: Devin-Adair 1952); Kavanagh’s Weekly, Dublin [as Myles na gCopaleen] (April 1952-14 June 1952) [rep. in Kavanagh’s Weekly, Kildare: Goldsmith Press 1981]; ‘A Weekly Look Around’ by John James Doe, Southern Star, Skibbereen (15 Jan. 1955-3 Nov. 1956); ‘Bones of Contention’/’George Knowall’s Peepshow’ by George Knowall The Nationalist and Leinster Times, Carlow (1960-1966) [sel. in 15 Myles Away from Dublin]; ‘De Me’ New Ireland (QUB New Ireland Soc., March 1964) [as Myles na Gopaleen]; ‘The Saint and 1’, Manchester Guardian, 19 Jan. 1966) [as Flann O’Brien].
Contributions & reviews, ‘After Hours’, and review of Frank O’Connor, Book of Ireland [rep. edn.], Threshold, 21 (1967); also contribs. to Ireland Today (1938); Comthrom Féinne (Summer 1931-May 1935), incl. Brother Barnabas, ‘scenes from a novel’ (May 1934), rep. Journal of Irish Literature, III, 1 (Jan. 1974); Blather, Nov. 1934, rep. Journal of Irish Literature 1974; The Harp, 1960-65; Envoy, III, 12 (Nov. 1950), on ‘Baudelaire and Kavanagh’; The Irish Times; Nonplus (1959); New Ireland (1964); Irish Writing, 20-21 (Nov. 1952), ‘Donabate’, rep. Journal of Irish Literature (Jan. 1974); Kavanagh’s Weekly, I, 3 (26 April 1952), ‘I Don't You’; also 'Letter to the Editor', Kavanagh's Weekly, 1, 10 (14 June 1952), and ‘Motor Economics’, 1, 7 (24 March 1952); Irish Housewife’s Annual (1963/64); Hibernia (Sept. 1960); Irish Writing, 10 (Jan. 1950), review of L. A. G. Strong, The Sacred River; Irish Writing, 11 (May 1950), review of Patrick Campbell, ‘A Long Drink of Cold Water’ [?source]; ‘The New Phoenix’, Kavanagh’s Weekly, 1, 4 (3 May 1952); extract from The Poor Mouth, in Fiction, III, 1 (1974); journalism in Evening Mail (Oct. 1961); ‘Three Poems from the Irish’, Lace Curtain, 4 (Summer 1971); ‘Two in One’, The Bell XIX, 8 (July 1954), 30-34; rep. Journal of Irish Literature, III, 1 (Jan. 1974); as John James Doe, ‘A Weekly Look Around’, Southern Star [Skibbereen] (15 Jan. 1955-27 Oct. 1965); as George Knowall, ‘George Knowall’s Peepshow, in Nationalist and Leinster Times [Carlow] early/mid 1960); also Manchester Guardian, ‘The Cud of Memory,’ (1965); trans. Brinsley MacNamara, play, Margaret Gillan [as Mairead Gillan] (Dublin 1953);
Manuscripts & Criticism: The Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin holds two boxes of the papers of Flann O’Brien. Details: Purchase and gift, 1965, 1970, and 1989 (R2707, R4815, and G8215); Open for research; processed by Bob Taylor, 1997; RLIN Record ID: TXRC97-A18.
* * * * *
Myles na Gopaleen
Flann O'Brien was the best known pseudonym of Brian O'Nolan (1911-1966), who also published under the name Myles na gCopaleen. He was a twentieth century Irish humorous writer. Under the name Flann O'Brien, he published a series of novels that have attracted a wide following for their bizarre humour and Modernist metafiction. At Swim-Two-Birds works entirely with recycled characters from other fiction (and legend), on the grounds that there are already far too many fictional characters in circulation, while The Third Policeman has a superficial plot about an Irish country youth's vision of hell, played against a satire of academic debate on an eccentric philosopher, and finds time to introduce the atomic theory of the bicycle. The philosopher in question, De Selby, is based on Giambattista Vico, who had been a fascination of James Joyce's, and the importance of the bicycle recalls Samuel Beckett. The Dalkey Archive features a character who encounters a penitent, elderly James Joyce (who never wrote any of his books) working as a busboy in the resort of Dalkey and a scientist looking to suck all of the air out of the world. Other books by Flann O'Brien include The Hard Life (a fictional autobiography meant to be his "misterpiece"), and The Poor Mouth (originally written in Irish as An B
al Bocht). As a novelist, O'Nolan was powerfully influenced by James Joyce. Indeed, he was at pains to attend the same college as Joyce, and Joyce biographer Richard Ellman has established that O'Nolan, fully in keeping with his literary temperament, used a forged interview with John Joyce as part of his application. As Myles na gCopaleen, O'Nolan published a regular column entitled "The Cruiskeen Lawn" in the Irish Times, usually in English, but sometimes in Irish, and sometimes in Latin. The columns introduce a regular set of characters, such as the "PLAIN PEOPLE OF IRELAND," "the Brother," and "the Da," include a "catechism of cliche," and propose numerous schemes for the improvement of the Irish nation. These pieces have been collected into a number of books with titles such as The Best of Myles and Cuttings from the Cruiskeen Lawn (an example of bilingual humour, which O'Nolan often used, is both in the pen name, which means "Myles of the little ponies," and in the pun of a small bird, the Curiskeen Lawn). O'Nolan had been one of the first proponents of the study of Irish, and yet as a newspaper columnist he consistently satirized Irish nationalists for their zeal. Some of the characters introduced in the "Cruiskeen Lawn" column (in particular The Brother) are explained in The Hard Life. Flann O'Brien's writing is sufficiently creative that he counts as a major figure in twentieth century Irish literature. Like others whose primary output was periodical, his work has only recently been receiving wide attention from literary scholars.
and another...
All in all, as far as the circumstances of publication and reception are concerned—and let nobody who has not had to struggle with them sneer at their importance—[Brian O’Nolan aka Flann O’Brien aka Myles na Gopaleen’s] was not a happy literary history. Yet, through all poor Flann O’Brien’s tribulations, Myles na Gopaleen continued to be one of the most celebrated of Dubliners and his column, unfailingly brilliant and brilliantly adjusted to its
Dublin audience, continued to appear daily.
That Myles had an abundance of comic material at his disposal is evident; and yet after the early starts and false starts, he largely failed to get his Dublin into books; so that there is certainly truth in the remark [Patrick] Kavanaugh made one day to the effect that ‘poor Myles’—his usual locution—‘has utterly failed to find a myth that would carry all that stuff in his column, that would lift it into art.’ It was a question of finding a fictive or imaginative structure, and perhaps, after all, the nihilistic structure of At Swim-Two-Birds had been too brilliant.
The column gave pleasure to a great many people and occasionally perhaps authentic delight to a few, but it must have been a terrible burden, and as ruinous in the long run as the drink. The penalty of journalism, and kindred activities, is that it gives its author a certain amount of warranted creative satisfaction. Having done a nice, neat, expert job with a good joke or two in it, you are inclined to turn on your heel and walk away feeling pleased with yourself, and of course entitled to leave it at that for the rest of the day. I am not speaking contemptuously of journalism now; indeed a writer who has practised it hardly ever does. He enjoys it in fact perhaps too much, and he can hardly ever bring himself to do a sloppy job, knowing too well that those who inure themselves to doing sloppy jobs sooner or later become incapable of doing anything else, in any medium.
~from the excellent Dead As Doornails, by Anthony Cronin
* * * * *
Reading Flann Brian O'Brien O'Nolan
Gilbert Sorrentino
Flann O'Brien is one of the half-dozen or so greatest comic writers in the English language of this or any other century, the equal of such geniuses of comedy as Sterne, Joyce, Beckett, Waugh, and Firbank. His mastery of comedic prose, its nuances, tropes, and subversions, is of such high degree that the merest gesture of his stylistic hand can turn a sentence or phrase from its course as sober conveyor of information to sabotager and ridiculer of that same information. Done the right way (and O'Brien invariably does it the right way), such writing can virtually collapse referential material and transform it into brilliant constellations of devastating hilarity. Little can stand before comedy of such purity, comedy so intensely focused and authorative that it rises above ideology, factionalism, religion, and the bloated niceties of propaganda and "right thinking." Inventors, or if you please, marshals of such anarchic laughter are dangerous people indeed, informed, as they are, by love, hatred, and, above all, perhaps, a salutary shame for the human species and its ridiculous pettinesses and pretensions. I think that O'Brien was fearful of or apprehensive about these extraordinary comic gifts, even as he permitted them to flourish, and flourish most notably, in his two greatest books, At Swim-Two-Birds and The Third Policeman. It's impossible to know or even to guess at whether this fear was caused by the classically Irish, macabre nature of the works themselves (both novels are cruel at their core, and many of their most deliciously risible scenes, conversations, and set pieces are rooted in pain, anguish, ignominy, humiliation, and death); or whether his very being as a comic artist was one he could not or would not change, lest such change damage his lavishly inventive psychology. Put simply, if, perhaps, reductively: Did he fear his books or did he fear the talent that created them? Whatever the case, he, arguably, attempted to protect himself, to shield himself from his own work, at once to own and disown it. At Swim-Two-Birds brusquely avoids its eerie logical conclusion--the assault upon and possible erasure of its primary creator, the writer himself--and The Third Policeman was, remarkably, repressed by its author during his lifetime (behind the preposterous, trumped-up story of the supposed loss of the supposed single copy of the manuscript), appearing soon after he was safely dead. The Dalkey Archive, a "re-vision" of The Third Policeman, and published during O'Brien's lifetime, has, not facetiously, in my view, a dedication to "my Guardian Angel, impressing upon him that I'm only fooling and warning him to see to it that there is no misunderstanding when I go home." I see this novel as a non-sinister apologia for the unearthly terrors of The Third Policeman, as well as a barrier between the latter and O'Brien; and the charge to his Guardian Angel has to do with the suppressed text, for which The Dalkey Archive was but a surrogate.
O'Brien believed that fiction is not far removed from life, that it is, in a sense, another kind of life, separate from the mundane by the thinnest of walls. He would have been, I suspect, highly amused, in his slashing, merciless way, at the claims to truth made by solemn, didactic, and "transgressive" memoirists. I don't mean, it should go without saying, that he harbored the innocent notion that will have the page famously mirroring the world, and that the more precisely representative the mirrored image, the closer we are to life. Joyce, with his precise detonations and subversions of specific locations, mores, events, and speech, with his straightforward retailing of the Facts--his realism, that is, that pulls its house down around itself--taught O'Brien (and everybody else who was paying attention) that such a notion was no more than a literary shibboleth. O'Brien's sense of the presence of the porous wall between what is here and what the writer makes to add to it was sophisticated and not a little spooky.
It would seem that in O'Brien's world, that which occurs within the confines of a book can "bleed" out of the book's pages and perform, in three dimensions, here in the actual space of the material world. It is as if the myriad signs of the book exist not only as the markers that can never represent or approximate the actual, but that can also--in a moment of authorial carelessness or even exuberance--escape from the book, shed their lives as signs, and become substantial, become, that is, the things that they had only pointed at. And when, as in At Swim-Two-Birds, the characters of the book are writers, storytellers, fabulists, bullshit artists of every stripe--linguistic magicians of one sort or another--their power to influence reality becomes enormous. And this, as I've suggested, frightened O'Brien in the odd, superstitious way that writers are often frightened by their work. It may be that literature is the last profession for which training does not equip its practitioners to understand its power over them: hence writers' reliance on hunches, talismans, coincidences, luck. It wasn't merely Brian O'Nolan's frivolity or eccentricity that effected his concealment of himself behind such names as Flann O'Brien, Myles na Gopaleen, George Knowall, and, even as a student, Brother Barnabas. "I didn't write this stuff!" one might imagine O'Nolan saying (to his Guardian Angel). And, in a certain odd but profound way, O'Nolan never wrote anything.
As I've noted, the ending of At Swim-Two-Birds is sudden and unexpected, although I can't for a moment imagine what a "satisfactory" ending might look like. The mysterious and beautiful virtuoso prose of the last three pages comprise, I would argue, a coda that is outside of the novel's narrative of web-like and multi-planed concerns. That book ends with the destroying fire which brings to a close the various existences of the invented writers who might well have succeeded, such was their power, in calling into question the very fact of O'Nolan's existence; or, perhaps more potently, written him off as a creator.
In At Swim-Two-Birds, we are proffered, then, a dizzying proposition: any fictitious character can be made into a writer, who, in turn, can create his own fictitious characters who are writers, and so on. And there is nothing to prevent--so the machinery of the novel posits--one of these characters from hitting on the idea of writing the ultimate creator of the book (O'Nolan/O'Brien) into another fictitious character, distorting the work beyond recognition. That the "prime mover" of the text might do this himself and to himself is of little moment: writers, as a regular practice, use their work to comfort, soothe, excite, entertain, amuse, and flay themselves. There is, indeed, a cure for such possible distortion of the text--its destruction. Get rid of the book and the writer cannot be at its mercy.
O'Brien didn't destroy his book, but he made certain that the novel's major writer, the lazy and sullen student of literary bent who creates Dermot Trellis (a nicely exaggerated surrogate for the student, and himself a sullen writer), is left without the book that we have been reading. It is suddenly burned in a stove by Trellis's servant. It's very much to the point that this fiery destruction of the text occurs--if you will bear with me for a brief excursion into vertigo--not within the frame text created by O'Brien, but within the frame text created by O'Brien's student writer; and that the servant who does the burning is Trellis's servant, Trellis being, as the reader, of course, knows, the writer who has created characters who exist in yet another frame also inhabited by Orlick Trellis, Dermot's son, who has been born out of wedlock as a fully grown, wholly developed, adult writer who hates his father.
O'Brien, shielded from the dangers of his own fiction by a pen name, strengthens that shield by placing even the obliteration of his narrative at two further removes from himself, viz., Dermot/the student/O'Brien/O'Nolan. The burning of the text, that is, occurs within a fiction that O'Brien's fictitious writer has created; and O'Brien is himself a fiction created by O'Nolan.
This is a magical book, a book of great risk and danger, and O'Brien would never attempt anything like it again, since, I believe, the "solution" to such a book must have been, for him, always the same: to get rid of the thing before it could get rid of him. The Third Policeman presents a circular hell filled with demons and the dead, a hell of terrible adventures and stygian comedy. But it has a single narrator and the terrors of the novel are rigidly contained in its circular form: there is no vertical movement apparent in the text, and the magnificently loony footnotes are encrustations, not new levels, of story.
Hugh Kenner says that O'Brien was "somehow scared" of this latter novel, suggesting that this may have been so because of the fact that there is no Satan in O'Brien's hell, this absence calling the existence of God into question. The implication here is that the book frightened O'Brien because of its odor of blasphemy, if not heresy. This may well have been so, but I can't quite agree with
Kenner, who calls At Swim-Two-Birds "a preternaturally gifted student's jape," and praises The Third Policeman at its expense. I think that such fears that O'Brien may have felt because of the possible religious transgressions of his book of the damned were, indeed, religious fears. It can be argued, and I would argue it, that the phony disappearance of the text was its author's penance for its impieties, real or suspected. O'Brien distanced it from himself by refusing to allow it existence. But At Swim-Two-Birds is distanced from its author by a radical act of formal literary violence.
Basically, The Third Policeman was a book that was "possible" for O'Brien to write, despite its flirtation with Manichaeism; while At Swim-Two-Birds was the book that was "no longer wonderful but terrible," as the dead hero of The Third Policeman says of the demon policeman, MacCruiskeen's, creation of intricately fashioned chests, one of which is said to be smaller than a bigger chest which is itself too small to be described. The hero says, "I shut my eyes and prayed that he would stop while still doing things that were at least possible for a man to do."
The First Bloomsday
L to R: John Ryan, Anthony Cronin, Myles na Gopaleen, Patrick Kavanagh and Tom Joyce
The day was
16 June, 1954, and though it was only mid-morning, Brian O'Nolan was already drunk.
This day was the fiftieth anniversary of Mr. Leopold Bloom's wanderings through
Dublin, which James Joyce had immortalized in Ulysses .
To mark this occasion a small group of
Dublin literati had gathered at the Sandycove home of Michael Scott, a well-known architect, just below the Martello tower in which the opening scene of Joyce's novel is set. They planned to travel round the city through the day, visiting in turn the scenes of the novel, ending at night in what had once been the brothel quarter of the city, the area which Joyce had called Nighttown.
Sadly, no-one expected O'Nolan to be sober. By reputation, if not by sight, everyone in
Dublin knew Brian O'Nolan, otherwise Myles na Gopaleen, the writer of the Cruiskeen Lawn column in the Irish Times. A few knew that under the name of Flann O'Brien, he had written in his youth a now nearly forgotten novel, At Swim-Two-Birds and was yet to write The Dalkey Archive, in which the protagonist meets the aging James Joyce working as a barman in a pub in Skerries, north of Dublin..
The rest of the party, that first Bloomsday, was made up of the poet Patrick Kavanagh, the young critic Anthony Cronin, a dentist named Tom Joyce, who as Joyce's cousin represented the family interest, and John Ryan, the painter and businessman who owned and edited the literary magazine Envoy
Ryan had engaged two horse drawn cabs, of the old-fashioned kind, which in Ulysses Mr. Bloom and his friends drive to poor Paddy Dignam's funeral. The party were assigned roles from the novel. Cronin stood in for Stephen Dedalus, O'Nolan for his father Simon Dedalus, John Ryan for the journalist Martin Cunningham, and A.J. Leventhal, the Registrar of Trinity College, being Jewish, was recruited to fill (unknown to himself according to Tom Ryan) the role of Leopold Bloom.
Kavanagh and O'Nolan began the day by deciding they must climb up to the Martello tower itself, which stood on a granite shoulder behind the house.As Cronin recalls, Kavanagh hoisted himself up the steep slope above O'Nolan, who snarled in anger and laid hold of his ankle. Kavanagh roared, and lashed out with his foot. Fearful that O'Nolan would be kicked in the face by the poet's enormous farmer's boot, the others hastened to rescue and restrain the rivals.
With some difficulty O'Nolan was stuffed into one of the cabs by Cronin and the others. Then they were off, along the seafront of
Dublin Bay, and into the city.
In pubs along the way an enormous amount of alcohol was consumed, so much so that on Sandymount Strand they had to relieve themselves as Stephen Dedalus does in Ulysses. Tom Joyce and Cronin sang the sentimental songs of Tom Moore which Joyce had loved, such as Silent O Moyle. They stopped in Irishtown to listen to the running of the Ascot Gold Cup on a radio in a betting shop, but eventually they arrived in
Duke Street in the city centre, and the Bailey, which John Ryan then ran as a literary pub.
They went no further. Once there another drink seemed more attractive than a long tour of Joycean slums, and the siren call of the long vanished pleasures of Nighttown.
From Flann O'Brien, An Illustrated Biography -- Peter Costello and Peter Van Der Kamp
* * * * *
MYLES NA GOPALEEN'S IRISH TIMES
BLOOMSDAY COLUMN 1954
J-DAY
THIS IS A SMALL, shy and simple article. It can be written only within the week or so in which a number of courageous men made off with about 200 rifles and a lesser amount of other lethal gear.
Every man concerned could have been shot dead. Why did they risk so much for so little?
***
THIS SHEER impulse to rebel, without regard to reason or results, is likely to be commemorated on this day. It is June 16th--and James Joyce wrote half a million words about what happened in
Dublin on June 16th, 1904. The book is called "Ulysses" and is really the record of what happened to a bona-fide traveller of that day,
------------------------------------
CRUISKEEN LAWN
By
MYLES NA GOPALEEN
------------------------------------
with, impaled in the text, an enormity of "philosophical material."
In this task Joyce did not go into someone's workshop and choose the tools he needed: he took the whole lot. Thus does one find side by side monasticism and brothelism.
St Augustine himself perceived and recorded the "polarity" of virtue and vice, how one is integrally part of the other, and cannot exist without it. But not until James Joyce came along has anybody so considerably evoked depravity to establish the unextinguishable goodness of what is good.
***
I DO NOT WISH to provoke still another world war by invading
America's monopoly of comment on the value of Joyce's work. People who insist that there is a junction of Cuffe street and Grafton street are clearly persons with whom not to argue. But I think I will risk a few remarks about Joyce, on the understanding that criticism without censure is intended.
Joyce was in no way what he is internationally claimed to be--a Dubliner. In fact there has been no more spectacular non-Dubliner. Not once did he tire of saying that he was never at home. This absence may have been a necessity of his literary method, but it has often occurred to my irreverent self that maybe he hadn't the fare. Joyce was a bad writer. He was too skilled in some departments of writing, and could not resist the tour de force. Parts of "Ulysses" are of unreadable boredom. One thinks of a violinist corrupting with "cadenza" a work wherein the composing master had in the text practised masterly abstention from fireworks. Beethoven had a big row with the violinist Kreutzer on this very point.
Joyce was illiterate. He had a fabulously developed jackdaw talent of picking up bits and pieces, but it seems his net was too wide to justify getting a few kids' schoolbooks and learning the rudiments of a new language correctly. every foreign-language quotation in any of his works known to me are wrong. His few sallies at Greek are wrong, and his few attempts at a Gaelic phrase are absolutely monstrous. anybody could have told him the right thing. Why did he not bother to ask?
***
THAT LAST QUESTION evokes a complementary question, of which there is no mention on the horizonless bog of American exegesis. Was the man a leg-puller? Was "Finnegans Wake" the ultimate fantasy in cod? Did he seek to evolve for himself, chiefly by talking in strict confidence to stooges, mostly American, a mythical personality? Did...(pardon me while I swallow this yellow capsule)...did...James Joyce ever exist?
***
It seems he did, and that he done what he done. There is something intimidatingly authentic about print. My own first contact with the man in a literary collision was a quotation fired at me. This: "I go to encounter for the millionth time the reality of experience and to forge in the smithy of my soul the uncreated conscience of my race."
Many a time had I read that piece with admiration. In recent years I have asked a few wise men what the words mean. They mean nothing.
But are they intended to mean nothing, in the sense of meaning something exact? Or are they intended to suggest an imponderable theme for reflection, as night--day--life-- death--are used in various patterns in "Finnegans Wake?"
***
JOYCE'S MAIN WORK, "Ulysses," is "not banned" in
Ireland, which means simply that any person asking for it in a bookshop would probably be lynched. Parts of it are pornographic, though the motive seems to have been of the best; Bernard Shaw acknowledged the purity of Joyce's mind, and his skill and courage in presenting a portrait of fin de siècle brutality and horrors are evident in a letter which Miss Patricia Hutchens quotes in her interesting book, "James Joyce's Dublin." I ask--though no Bowdler I--is it not a great pity that an expurgated edition of "Ulysses" is not published, virginibus puerisque ?
It would surely establish the utterly ignored fact that Joyce was among the most comic writers who have ever lived. Every time I get influenza I read about The Citizen and his Dog; penicillin has nothing on them.
***
IT IS NOT EASY to close up satisfactorily this unpremeditated note. A number of ideas come to the surface.
Here is one. would it appear blanshardish for a committee of
Dublin citizens, in Mansion House assembled, to petition the Holy Father to do what a distinguished predecessor did, and suppress the Jesuit Order,and turn Clongowes Wood College into something else?
Who can be answerable for James Joyce if it not be the Jesuits?

* * * * *

From The Dalkey Archive

Flann O'Brien --1964

--Mr Joyce, how did you live in all those years?

--Teaching languages, mostly English, and giving grinds. I used to hang around the Sorbonne. Meals were easy enough to scrounge there, anyway.

--Did the Catholic Truth Society pay you for those booklets you wrote?

--Not at all, why should they?

--Tell me more about Ulysses.

-- I paid very little attention to it until one day I was given a piece from it about some woman in bed thinking the dirtiest thoughts that ever came into the human head. Pornography and filth and literary vomit, enough to make even a blackguard of a Dublin cabman blush. I blessed myself and put the thing in the fire.

--Well was the complete Ulysses , do you think, ever published?

--I certainly hope not.
Mick paused for a few seconds and pressed the bell for service. What would he say? Frankness in return seemed called for.

--Mr. Joyce, he said solemnly, I can tell that you have been out of touch with things for a long time. The book Ulysses was published in Paris in 1922, with your name on the title page. and it was considered a great book.

--God forgive you. Are you fooling me? I am getting on in years. Remember that.

Mick patted his sleeve, and signalled to the server to bring more drinks

· * * * *

· Flann O' Brien 1962

The Hard Life -On Guy Fawkes

Chapter 10

"-Now listen her, Father. Listen carefully. This is the first part of November. In the year 1605 in England, King James the First was persecuting the Catholics, throwing them into prison and plundering their property. It was diabolical, worse than in Elizabeth's time. The R.C.s were treated like dogs, and their priests like pigs. It would put you in mind of the Roman emperors, except that a thullabawn like Nero could at least boast that he was providing public entertainment. Well, what happened? - James was a very despicable monarch, Father Fahrt said slowly. -I will tell you what happened. A man named Robert Catesby thinks to himself that we've had as much of this sort of carry-on as we're going to take. And he thought of the same plan as Mrs. Flaherty. He planned to blow up the parliament house and annihilate the whole bloody lot of the bosthoons, his Majesty included. I know the thanks you'd get if you told him to busy himself with elections and votes. He'd slap your face and give you a knee in the belly. Remember, remember the Fifth of November. -they lived in another age, of course, Father Fahrt answered. -Right nad wrong don't change with the times and you know that very well, Father. Catesby got Guy Fawkes on his side, a brave man that was fighting in Flanders. And Grant and Keyes and the two Winters, any God's amount of sound men, Romans all. Fawkes was the kingpin and the head bottle washer of the whole outfit. He managed to get a ton and a half of gunpowder stuffed into a cellar under the House of Lords. But there were two other men lending a good hand all the time and saying Glod bless the work. I mean Greenway and Garnet. Know who they were, Father? -I think I do. -Of course you do. They were Jesuits. Hah? -My dear man, Jesuits also can make mistakes. They can err in judgment. They are human. -Faith then they didn't err in judgment when Guy Fawkes was found out. They scooted lik greased lightning and Father Greenway and another priest managed to get to a healthier country. Father Garnet was not so alive to himself. He got caught and for his pains he got a length of hempen tope for himself, on the gallows high. -A martyr for the Faith, of course, Father Fahrt said evenly. -And Fawkes. They gave him tortures you wouldn't see outside hell itself to make him give the names of the others. Be damn but he wouldn't. But when he hard that Catesby and a crowd of his segocias had been chased, caught and killed, he broke down and made some class of a confession. But do you know what? When this rigamore was put before him for signature, believe it or not but he couldn't sign it. The torture had him banjaxed altogether. His hands were all broken be the thumb screws. Waht's your opinion of that? -The torture Fawkes so heroically endured, Father Fahrt said, was admittedly appalling and terrifying, the worst torture that the head of man could think of. It was called per gradus ad ima. He was very brave. -I needen't tell you he and several others go the high jump. But Lord save us, poor Fawkes couldn't climb up the ladder to the gallows, he was so badly bet and broken up in the torture. He had to be carried up. And hewas hanged outside the building he tried to blow up for the greater glory of god. -I suppose that's true enough, Father Fahrt said meekly. -For the greater glory of God. How's this you put Latin on that? -Ad majorem Dei gloriam. It is our own Society's watchword. -Quite right A.M.D.G. Many a time I've heard it. But if blowing up councilors is band and sinful as you said, how do you account for two Jesuits maybe three, being guilty of that particular transaction, waging war on the civil power? Isn't Mrs. Flaherty in the same boat as Mr. Fawkes? -I have pointed out, Collopy, that events and opinions vary drastically from one era to another. People are influenced by quite different things in dissimilar ages. It is difficult even impossible, for the people of today to assess the stresses and atmosphere of Fawke's day. Cicero was a wise and honest man and yet he kept slaves. The Greeks were the most sophisticated and civilized people of antiquity, but morally a great many of them were lepers. With them sins of the flesh was a nefarious preoccupation. But that does not invalidate the wisdom and beauty of things many of them left behind them. Art, poetry, literature, architecture, philosophy and political systems, these were formulated and developed in the midst of debauchery. I have -ah ha- sometimes thought that a degraded social climate is essential to inspire great men to achievement in the arts. Mr. Collopy put down his glass and spoke somewhat sternly, wagging a finger. -Now look here, Father Fahrt, he said, I'm going to say something I've said in other ways before. Bedamn but I don't know that I can trust you men at all. Ye are forever trimming and adjudicating yourselves to the new winds that do blow. In case of doubt, send for a Jesuit. For your one doubt he will give you twenty new ones and his talk is always full of "ifs" and "buts", rawmaish and pseudo-theology. The world I have heard used for that sort of thing is casuistry. Isn't that right? Casuistry. -there is such a word but it's not true in this case. -Oh now, you can always trust a Jesuit to make mischief and complicate simple things........

-Flan O' Brien, The Hard Life, An Exegesis of Squalor, Pantheon Books, New York, 1962, pp 75-84.

The Joys of Islamic Matrimony

2005-08-24
"Punishing Disobedient Wives"
Ghada Al-Hori
Arab News (Saudi Arabia)


I find it unacceptable when some people twist the meaning of a particular verse in the Holy Qur’an — especially the one which permits a husband to beat his disobedient wife.

If the husband feels the wife is behaving in a disobedient and rebellious manner, he is required to rectify her attitude — first by kind words, then gentle persuasion and reasoning.

A rebellious woman who is not moved by kind works, persuasion and admonition is a woman of no feeling and must therefore be punished by beating. Psychiatrists tell us of people, including women, for whom a cure lies in beating.

The controversy over the beating of disloyal and rebellious women is part of the campaign against Islam. If beating disobedient wives was advocated by Western scientists, it would have been widely supported by the same people who criticize Islam and special centers would have been set up all over the world to train husbands on how to beat their wives.

Our scholars should focus on explaining to people, especially the young, the real teachings of Islam in order to avoid causing uncertainty and confusion.



"Imposing Discipline in the Family"
Host: Jasem Muhammad Al-Mutawah (Expert on Family Matters)
Saudi TV


We all know that some men are afflicted with a mental illness known as 'sadism' and some women are also afflicted with a mental illness known as 'masochism.' What is the treatment for these mental illnesses? Beatings! He must treat her harshly! Even one of the sages claimed that this verse descended for those afflicted with this mental illness. Therefore, a husband married to a wife afflicted by this illness, let's say sadism - well, let him beat her because the beatings, for her, are a cure. I have a psychologist friend, and once I spoke with him and he told me: "We have marital problems in which the wife suffers from this illness and we recommend to the husband that he beat his wife in a certain way, and thus the problem is solved." See how the Koran handles this problem. And therefore we say, brothers and sisters, we have no reason to become tense, we have no reason to become convulsed, our religion is great and in the verses of the Koran there is absolute justice.

Steyn on Cindy Sheehan

2005-08-23
Hold your tears

Mark Steyn, The Spectator, 20 August 2005


Is it only five years since the White House press corps was spending its summers traipsing round Martha’s Vineyard and the Hamptons watching Bill Clinton hang with Carly Simon and Steven Spielberg? Since the Bush terror, alas, they’ve been condemned under a little-known provision of the Patriot Act to confinement in Crawford, Texas for one whole month a year. Crawford is where George W. Bush has his ranch and, other than that distinction, it is (as I wrote here in August 2000) ‘a dusty crossroads in the middle of a drought-stricken, sun-broiled plain, population 690 — with five churches but not a single hotel’. Since the annual influx of journalists, they may have added a hotel but also no doubt half a dozen more churches just to wind up the godless hordes of the Fourth Estate.

Sadly, the media don’t seem to enjoy the annual joke. So, with no showbiz types to hand in the Greater Waco area, someone had the bright idea of importing a little entertainment. These days, come August and the cry goes up, ‘Hey, let’s do the show in George W. Bush’s barn.’ When it comes to political theatre, Crawford now finds itself playing host to the nation’s most critically acclaimed summer stock.

Last year it was former Georgia Senator Max Cleland, who took up residence outside the Bush ranch and demanded the President come out and denounce the Swift Boat veterans. Cleland, also a Vietnam vet and a triple amputee, was outraged that anyone would impugn Senator Kerry’s war record and was impugning Bush for not impugning the Swift vets for impugning Kerry. Anyway, the President never did come out to meet Cleland. He may still be there for all I know.

This year’s performer in residence is Cindy Sheehan, whose son Casey was killed in Iraq last year. Mrs Sheehan is now very anti-war and has pledged to stay camped out in Crawford all August until the President has the guts to come out and see her for a face-to-face meeting. So far he’s sent his national security adviser and deputy chief of staff out to see her, but that’s like Clinton sending Janet Reno and Sidney Blumenthal to Carly Simon’s party. These no-name stand-ins were trying to ‘bullshit us into submission,’ complained Mrs Sheehan.

Her son’s loss — like Max Cleland’s wounds — is supposed to put her beyond reproach. For as the New York Times’s Maureen Dowd informed us, ‘The moral authority of parents who bury children killed in Iraq is absolute.’

Really? Well, what about those other parents who’ve buried children killed in Iraq? Linda Ryan lost her son, Marine Corporal Marc Ryan, to ‘insurgents’ in Ramadi: ‘George Bush didn’t kill her son,’ says Mrs Ryan. ‘Her son made a decision to join the Armed Forces and defend our country.... George Bush was my son’s commander-in-chief. My son, Marc, totally believed in what he was doing.’

There are, sadly, hundreds of Linda Ryans across American: parents who buried children killed in Iraq and who honour their service to the nation. They don’t make the news. There’s one Cindy Sheehan and she’s on TV round the clock. She may not be emblematic of bereaved military families, but she’s certainly symbolic of media-Left desperation.

Still, she’s a mother. And, if you’re as heavily invested as Ms Dowd in the notion that those ‘killed in Iraq’ are ‘children’, then Mrs Sheehan’s status as grieving matriarch is a bonanza. I agree with Mrs Ryan: they’re not children in Iraq; they’re thinking adults who ‘made a decision to join the Armed Forces and defend our country’. Whenever I’m on a radio show these days, someone calls in and demands to know whether my children are in Iraq. Well, not right now. They range in age from five to nine, and though that’s plenty old enough to sign up for the jihad and toddle into an Israeli pizza parlour wearing a suicide-bomb, in most advanced societies’ armed forces they prefer to use grown-ups.

That seems to be difficult for the Left to grasp. Ever since America’s all-adult, all-volunteer army went into Iraq, the anti-war crowd have made a sustained effort to characterise them as ‘children’. If a 13-year-old wants to have an abortion, that’s her decision and her parents shouldn’t get a look-in. If a 21-year-old wants to drop to the Oval Office shagpile and chow down on Bill Clinton, she’s a grown woman and free to do what she wants. But, if a 22- or 25- or 37-year old is serving his country overseas, he’s a wee ‘child’ who isn’t really old enough to know what he’s doing.

I get many emails from soldiers in Iraq, and they sound a lot more grown-up than most Ivy League professors and certainly than Maureen Dowd, who writes as if she’s auditioning for a minor supporting role in Sex and the City. The infantilisation of the military promoted by the Left is deeply insulting to America’s warriors but it suits the anti-war crowd’s purposes. It enables them to drone ceaselessly that ‘of course’ they ‘support our troops’, because they want to stop these poor confused moppets from being exploited by the Bush war machine.

So, when Cindy Sheehan came into view, Bush-disparagers from Washington to Hollywood cried ‘Bingo!’ ‘Cindy Sheehan is my hero,’ says Christine Lahti, former star of TV’s Chicago Hope. ‘You can run, Bush, but you can’t hide. Her courage is waking up America.’ Evidently it woke up motion-picture personality Viggo Mortensen, who flew to Crawford on a pilgrimage to Mrs Sheehan. For the press corps, it’s not exactly the Spielberg/Clinton summer summit in the Hamptons, but it’s as close as they’re going to get.

I resisted writing about ‘Mother Sheehan’ (as one leftie has proposed designating her), as it seemed obvious that she was at best a little unhinged by grief and at worst mentally ill. Start with her insistence on a face-to-face meeting with Bush. Even if you don’t think the President should see her, you can sympathise with the demand, born out of her anger and pain. But it turns out she’s already had a face-to-face meeting with Bush. Her son Casey was killed in April last year and in June the President met the Sheehans to offer his condolences. The story appeared in the 24 June 2004 edition of the Reporter, their hometown paper in Vacaville, California:

‘“I now know he’s sincere about wanting freedom for the Iraqis,” Cindy said after their meeting. “I know he’s sorry and feels some pain for our loss. And I know he’s a man of faith....”

‘For the first time in 11 weeks, they felt whole again. “That was the gift the President gave us, the gift of happiness, of being together,” Cindy said.’

Mrs Sheehan wants a second meeting with Bush because she no longer feels the way she did at the first one. Instead of gratitude for ‘the gift the President gave us’, she now says her son was ‘murdered by the Bush crime family’.

Also: ‘We have to impeach George Bush down to the person who picks up the dog shit in Washington! Let George Bush send his two little party animals to die in Iraq.’

Also: ‘You tell me the truth. You tell me that my son died for oil. You tell me that my son died to make your friends rich. You tell me my son died to spread the cancer of Pax Americana.... You get America out of Iraq, you get Israel out of Palestine.’

Well, OK, cut the lady some slack: a lot of folks get a bit overheated about Bush, and neocons, and Jews and so forth. But how about this? ‘America has been killing people on this continent since it was started. This country is not worth dying for.’ That was part of her warm-up act for a speech by Lynne Stewart, the ‘activist’ lawyer convicted of conspiracy for aiding the terrorists convicted of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.

You can see why Lynne’s grateful to Mrs Sheehan. But why is Elizabeth Edwards, wife of Kerry’s running mate, sending out imploring letters headlined ‘Support Cindy Sheehan’s Right To Be Heard’? The politics of this isn’t difficult: the more Cindy Sheehan is heard, the more obvious it is she’s a kook to whom most Americans would give a wide berth.

Don’t take my word for it, ask her family. Casey Sheehan’s grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins put out the following statement:

‘The Sheehan family lost our beloved Casey in the Iraq war and we have been silently, respectfully grieving. We do not agree with the political motivations and publicity tactics of Cindy Sheehan. She now appears to be promoting her own personal agenda and notoriety at the expense of her son’s good name and reputation. The rest of the Sheehan family supports the troops, our country, and our President, silently, with prayer and respect.’

Ah, well, they’re not immediate family, so they lack Cindy’s ‘moral authority’. But how about Casey’s father, Pat Sheehan? Last Friday, in Solano County Court, Pat Sheehan filed for divorce. As the New York Times explained Cindy’s ‘separation’: ‘Although she and her estranged husband are both Democrats, she said she is more liberal than he is, and now, more radicalised.’

Toppling Saddam and the Taleban (Mrs Sheehan opposes US intervention in Afghanistan, too), destroying al-Qa’eda’s training camps and helping 50 million Muslims on the first steps to free societies aren’t worth the death of a single soldier. But Cindy Sheehan’s hatred of Bush is worth the death of her marriage. Watching her and her advanced case of Bush Derangement Syndrome on TV, I feel the way I felt about that mentally impaired Aussie concert pianist they got to play at the Oscars a few years ago.

It was suggested by the columnist Cal Thomas that Bush should agree to a (second) meeting — in public. Cindy Sheehan could let rip, but there would also be other bereaved moms of soldiers who don’t feel as she does, and maybe some bereaved Iraqi moms to tell of their gratitude for the liberation of their country from a psycho regime. It’s a fine idea, and I’m sure the reason Bush won’t do it is because he understands that Mrs Sheehan is having a mental breakdown in public and it would be cruel to take advantage of that. If only the Michael Moore Left had that much decency.

But in the wreckage of Pat and Cindy Sheehan’s marriage there is surely a lesson for the Democratic party. As Cindy says, they’re both Democrats, but she’s ‘more liberal’ and ‘more radicalised’. There are a lot of less liberal and less radicalised Dems out there: they’re soft-left-ish on healthcare and the environment and education and so forth; many have doubts about the war, but they love their country, they have family in the military, and they don’t believe in dishonouring American soldiers to make a political point. The problem for the Democratic party is that the Cindys are now the loudest voice: Michael Moore, Howard Dean, moveon.org, and Air America, the flailing liberal radio network distracting attention from its own financial scandals by flying down its afternoon host Randi Rhodes to do her show live from Camp Casey. The last time I heard Miss Rhodes she was urging soldiers called up for Iraq to refuse to go — i.e., to desert — and entertaining theories that 9/11 was Bush’s Reichstag fire.

On unwatched Sunday talk shows you can still stumble across the occasional sane responsible Dem. But, in the absence of any serious intellectual attempt to confront their long-term decline, all the energy on the Left is with the fringe. The Democratic party is a coalition of Pat Sheehans and Cindy Sheehans, and the noisier the Cindys get the more estranged the Pats are likely to feel. Sorry about that, but, if Mrs Sheehan can insist her son’s corpse be the determining factor in American policy on Iraq, I don’t see why her marriage can’t be a metaphor for the state of the Democratic party.

Casey Sheehan was a 21-year-old man when he enlisted in 2000. He re-enlisted for a second tour, and he died after volunteering for a rescue mission in Sadr City. Mrs Sheehan says she wishes she’d driven him to Canada, though that’s not what he would have wished and it was his decision. As to whether he died in vain, the Associated Press reported this week:

‘The capital’s Sadr City section was once a hotbed of Shiite Muslim unrest, but it has become one of the brightest successes for the US security effort. So far this year, there has been only one car bombing in the neighborhood, and only one American soldier has been killed.’

Cindy Sheehan is a woman whose grief has curdled into a narcissistic rage, and the Democrats cheering her on are cheering their own marginalisation. Most Americans will not follow where she’s gone — to the wilder shores of anti-Bush, anti-war, anti-Iraq, anti-Afghanistan, anti-Israel, anti-American paranoia. Casey Sheehan’s service was not the act of a child. A shame you can’t say the same about his mom’s new friends.

You are mad, you are not like us

2005-08-21
DOUGLAS WOOD, an Aussie taken hostage in Iraq, threatened with decapitation, then rescued, described his captors as “assholes”. Andrew Jaspan, editor of the Melbourne Age, on ABC: “I was, I have to say, shocked by Douglas Wood’s use of the arsehole word, if I can put it like that, which I just thought was coarse and very ill-thought through and I think demeans the man, and is one of the reasons why people are slightly sceptical of his motives and everything else. The issue really is largely, speaking as I understand it, he was treated well there. He says he was fed every day, and as such to turn around and use that kind of language I think is just insensitive.”

JAMES WOODS: "In this politically correct era, the middle-aged heterosexual white guy gets to play one part, he gets to play the asshole in the suit. That's the only part they make anymore. That's the only part there is for a white heterosexual guy. Sorry, but it's the truth. Even when he's the hero now: Like Tom Cruise in 'War of the Worlds,' he's the hero, right? Steven Spielberg, Tom Cruise, H.G. Wells, how do you top that? They do a remarkable job of how the make the movie and so on, but he has to be a father who's a lousy parent, a terrible ex-husband, blah blah blah. You can't be a heterosexual white guy and be a hero anymore. You've gotta be really flawed and really bad and a piece of crap. Otherwise, the marketing department says, 'You can't have white guys be decent people. They're the enemy. They only put a man on the Moon and wrote 'Hamlet.' Why should we let them have any cred?'"

SAINT ANTHONY OF EGYPT: "A time is coming when men will go mad, and when they see someone who is not mad, they will attack him saying, 'You are mad, you are not like us'."

Fuck!

2005-08-06
Fuck! Fuck! Fuck! Fuck! Fuck!

Multikultis mugged by reality?

2005-07-25
Well, I'm off to the inscrutable Orient for a few weeks. Adios.

Life goes on:


Mugged by reality?

Mark Steyn

July 25, 2005

WITH hindsight, the defining encounter of the age was not between Mohammed Atta's jet and the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, but that between Mohammed Atta and Johnelle Bryant a year earlier.

Bryant is an official with the US Department of Agriculture in Florida, and the late Atta had gone to see her about getting a $US650,000 government loan to convert a plane into the world's largest crop-duster. A novel idea.

The meeting got off to a rocky start when Atta refused to deal with Bryant because she was but a woman. But, after this unpleasantness had been smoothed out, things went swimmingly. When it was explained to him that, alas, he wouldn't get the 650 grand in cash that day, Atta threatened to cut Bryant's throat. He then pointed to a picture behind her desk showing an aerial view of downtown Washington - the White House, the Pentagon et al - and asked: "How would America like it if another country destroyed that city and some of the monuments in it?"

Fortunately, Bryant's been on the training course and knows an opportunity for multicultural outreach when she sees one. "I felt that he was trying to make the cultural leap from the country that he came from," she recalled. "I was attempting, in every manner I could, to help him make his relocation into our country as easy for him as I could."

So a few weeks later, when fellow 9/11 terrorist Marwan al-Shehhi arrived to request another half-million dollar farm subsidy and Atta showed up cunningly disguised with a pair of glasses and claiming to be another person entirely - to whit, al-Shehhi's accountant - Bryant sportingly pretended not to recognise him and went along with the wheeze. The fake specs, like the threat to slit her throat and blow up the Pentagon, were just another example of the multicultural diversity that so enriches our society.

For four years, much of the western world behaved like Bryant. Bomb us, and we agonise over the "root causes" (that is, what we did wrong). Decapitate us, and our politicians rush to the nearest mosque to declare that "Islam is a religion of peace". Issue bloodcurdling calls at Friday prayers to kill all the Jews and infidels, and we fret that it may cause a backlash against Muslims. Behead sodomites and mutilate female genitalia, and gay groups and feminist groups can't wait to march alongside you denouncing Bush, Blair and Howard. Murder a schoolful of children, and our scholars explain that to the "vast majority" of Muslims "jihad" is a harmless concept meaning "decaf latte with skimmed milk and cinnamon sprinkles".

Until the London bombings. Something about this particular set of circumstances - British subjects, born and bred, weaned on chips, fond of cricket, but willing to slaughter dozens of their fellow citizens - seems to have momentarily shaken the multiculturalists out of their reveries. Hitherto, they've taken a relaxed view of the more, ah, robust forms of cultural diversity - Sydney gang rapes, German honour killings - but Her Britannic Majesty's suicide bombers have apparently stiffened even the most jelly-spined lefties.

At The Age, Terry Lane, last heard blaming John Howard for the "end of democracy as we know it" and calling for "the army of my country ... to be defeated" in Iraq, now says multiculturalism is a "repulsive word" whereas "assimilation is a beaut" and should be commended. In the sense that he seems to have personally assimilated with Pauline Hanson, he's at least leading by example.

Where Lane leads, Melbourne's finest have been rushing to follow, lining up to sign on to the New Butchness. "There is something wrong with multiculturalism," warns Pamela Bone. "Perhaps it is time to say, you are welcome, but this is the way it is here." Tony Parkinson - The Age's resident voice of sanity - quotes approvingly France's Jean-Francois Revel: "Clearly, a civilisation that feels guilty for everything it is and does will lack the energy and conviction to defend itself."

And yet, The Age's editor Andrew Jaspan still lives in another world. You'll recall that it was Jaspan who objected to the energy and conviction of certain freed Australian hostage, at least when it comes to disrespecting their captors: "I was, I have to say, shocked by Douglas Wood's use of the 'arsehole' word, if I can put it like that, which I just thought was coarse and very ill-thought through ... As I understand it, he was treated well there. He says he was fed every day, and as such to turn around and use that kind of language I think is just insensitive."

And heaven forbid we're insensitive about terrorists. True, a blindfolded Wood had to listen to his jailers murder two of his colleagues a few inches away, but how boorish would one have to be to hold that against one's captors? A few months after 9/11, National Review's John Derbyshire dusted off the old Cold War mantra "Better dead than red" and modified it to mock the squeamishness of politically correct warfare: "Better dead than rude". But even he would be surprised to see it taken up quite so literally by Andrew Jaspan.

Usually it's the hostage who gets Stockholm Syndrome, but the newly liberated Wood must occasionally reflect that in this instance the entire culture seems to have caught a dose. And, in a sense, we have: multiculturalism is a kind of societal Stockholm Syndrome. Atta's meetings with Bryant are emblematic: He wasn't a genius, a master of disguise in deep cover; indeed, he was barely covered at all, he was the Leslie Nielsen of terrorist masterminds - but the more he stuck out, the more Bryant was trained not to notice, or to put it all down to his vibrant cultural tradition.

That's the great thing about multiculturalism: it doesn't involve knowing anything about other cultures - like, say, the capital of Bhutan or the principal exports of Malaysia, the sort of stuff the old imperialist wallahs used to be well up on. Instead, it just involves feeling warm and fluffy, making bliss out of ignorance. And one notices a subtle evolution in multicultural pieties since the Islamists came along. It was most explicitly addressed by the eminent British lawyer Baroness Kennedy of the Shaws, QC, who thought that it was too easy to disparage "Islamic fundamentalists". "We as western liberals too often are fundamentalist ourselves. We don't look at our own fundamentalisms."

And what exactly would those western liberal fundamentalisms be? "One of the things that we are too ready to insist upon is that we are the tolerant people and that the intolerance is something that belongs to other countries like Islam. And I'm not sure that's true."

Hmm. Kennedy appears to be arguing that our tolerance of our own tolerance is making us intolerant of other people's intolerance, which is intolerable. Thus the lop-sided valse macabre of our times: the more the Islamists step on our toes, the more we waltz them gaily round the room. I would like to think that the newly fortified Age columnists are representative of the culture's mood, but, if I had to bet, I'd put my money on Kennedy: anyone can be tolerant of the tolerant, but tolerance of intolerance gives an even more intense frisson of pleasure to the multiculti masochists. Australia's old cultural cringe had a certain market rationality; the new multicultural cringe is pure nihilism.

Kim Jong Il’s Love Affairs Cause Many Scapegoats

2005-07-23
[Special Analysis – Kim Jong Il’s Women] Kim Jong Il’s Love and Desire
By Planning Department of The DailyNK
[ 07.21.2005(Thu) 17:03 ]

Korean version here
Kim Jong Il and his son Jong Nam(front), Sung Hae Rang(most left of back)





















Love affair is another way of reaching Kim Jong Il personally. His age now reached 63. He joined the “senior” group too. He must be taking the process of picking out a successor who would follow his destiny. However in reality, this process seems to take place very slowly.

The reason why Kim Jong Il has not been active in picking out the next leader of North Korea is mainly because of his obsession with holding power to himself, but it is also due to the complex family relations.

Kim Jong Il’s personal life is very strictly concealed. Considering the nature of the issues, there is no reliable evidence found. However, we cannot silence those who lived with him. When different testimonies accord one another, we could say they are reliable sources.

Kim Jong Il is well known for not accompanying his wife to public events. It was the same for Kim Il Sung and his wife, Kim Sung Ae. However for Kim Jong Il, it seems to have much to do with his complex family relations.

Kim Jong Il’s Official Wife is Kim Young Suk, Typist of the Central Party

Kim’s official wife is Kim Young Suk (age 58). Kim Young Suk met Kim Jong Il while she was working as a typist for the Safety Department of the Central Party in North Hamkyung province. The two got married in 1974. They gave a birth to a daughter named Sul Song, whose name is known to be given by Kim Il Sung. However, Kim Young Suk did not have any significance as a wife but only that they got married according to Kim Il Sung’s wish.



In the book, “Wisteria House” written by Sung Hae Rang, Kim Jong Il’s sister in law who also served as Kim Jong Nam’s tutor, describes Kim Young Suk as, “she has no more significance than the fact that she is the legal wife and official one before his father (Kim Il Sung). Family tree does not include her and she does not even have People’s Certificate (similar to social security number). She is not found in any legal documents. There is no way to verify who is Kim Jong Il’s wife other than his own personal acknowledgement.”

Before Kim Jong Il married his official wife, he lived with a woman called Sung Hye Lim for a long period of time. Sung Hye Lim was a famous actress at the time who moved to the North with her parents during the Korean War. She was five years older than him. Kim Jong Il and Sung Hye Lim moved in together in 1969 to House #15 located in Jungsung-dong. Kim was 29 years old. His living with Sung was kept as a secret even to Kim Il Sung. In 1971, Sung gave birth to Kim Jong Nam, Kim Jong Il’s first son, at Bonghwa clinical center.

Koh Young Hee Played the Role of Kim Jong Il’s Official Wife

I was known that Sung Hye Lim suffered from extreme nervousness and mental weakness since the late 1970s, after she was told to leave Kim Jong Il and Kim Jong Nam by Kim Jong Il’s sister, Kim Kyung Hee. She stayed in Switzerland and Russia for a long time for recuperation but she passed away in Moscow, in 2002 at the age of 63.

The person who lived with Kim Jong Il and played the role of the first lady is Koh Young Hee. Koh Young Hee was a daughter of Koh Tae Moon, a Korean descendant from Japan, born in 1952.

While she was active as one of the dancers in Mansudae Art Group in mid 1970s, she was noticed by Kim Jong Il and became official partner for his secret parties. Then she became his lover. Although she was only a mistress, she won Kim’s heart for the longest time. She passed away in Paris at the age of 52 during her cancer treatment.

Kim Jong Il’s Successors, Dispute on the Two Sons of Koh Young Hee

Kim Jong Il has two sons from Koh Young Hee; Jong Chul (age 24) and Jong Uen (age 21). Since last May it has been known that portraits of Koh were hanged in the military compounds and called Koh as “Revered Mother.” In South Korean many believe that the successor it likely to be Kim Jong Chul. However, Kim Jong Il never mentioned about his next successor.

Song Bong Sun, the former North Korean Investigation room of what is now National Intelligence Service writes, “Koh Young Hee is a good looking woman with a round face and Kim Jong Il is known to have liked this kind of looking women.”

Japanese movie star Yosinaka Sayuli
Choi Eun Hee, who defected in 1978 also describes the woman whom Kim Jong Il introduced her as “my wife” was a good looking lady with a round face (assumed to be Sun Hye Lim). Kim Jong Il once said, "among the Japanese actresses, Sinaka Sayuli is the prettiest." (Fujimoto Kenji, Kim Jong Il's cook). Yosinaka Sayuri is a beautiful woman who has a round face.

Although some argue that Hong Il Chun, who graduated from Kim Il Sung University and is a senior member of the Supreme People’s Assembly, is the first woman of Kim Jong Il, such a claim has little credence for there is no one who supports this fact. There is a little possibility that she could have maintained the position of senior member of the Supreme People’s Assembly after divorcing Kim Jong Il taking into consideration the nature of the North Korean political system.

Apart from these three women, Kim Jong Il is known to have had multiple of love affairs. Referring to the comments of the returnees (from North Korea), Song Bong Sun said, “Apart from Kim Young Suk, Sung Hye Lim, and Koh Young Hee, (it is known that) he lived with Sohn Hee Lim, the sister of ambassador to Russia Sohn Sung Pil, Hong Young Hee, an actress, and Lee Hyung Heon, the wife of the ambassador to Tunisia for a short period of time.” Song also said Kim Jong Il is known for having had “contact” with dancers of Mansu Art Group, actresses, nurses, and typists in Kim Jong Il’s office.

Even Some Foreign Women in Pyongyang Parties

Lee Han Young, who was murdered for revealing personal life of Kim Jong Il, describes in his autobiography, “Kim Jong Il’s Royal Family,” that “the people who thought they have to make Kim Jong Il happy in every way possible brought girls from foreign countries because the parties were not fun only with Korean girls. The girls were from Thailand, Philippines, and even Arab countries.”

A Japanese monthly journal, 『Literary Years』 reported in its March 1992 edition about a Japanese woman who went to Pyongyang with a Thai woman to earn money and was involved in one of the Kim Jong Il’s parties and served alcohol.

“The party which started in the bright daylight, was solely for Kim Jong Il. The high class cadres, unexpectedly, sang “Goodbye REBAUL,” which was a military song of Japanese soldiers during the Pacific War. Kim Jong Il directed his own indoor music band and threw out bills of $100 to the foreign hostesses.” Monthly 『Literary Years』, March 1992

In the book, “Kim Jong Il’s Kingdom,” authored by Choi Eun Hee, a South Korean actress who escaped after abducted to North Korea, it is also reported that foreign women who got involved in Kim Jong Il’s parties cried to her saying, “Now that we have been involved in Kim Jong Il’s parties several times, they would not send us back home.”

Revealing about Kim Jong Il’s Personal Life, Imprisonment in Concentration Camp

Anything about Kim Jong Il’s personal life becomes a highly classified secret. Kim Jong Il’s group of bodyguards, entourages, and the people working in his residents do not have people’s identity certificate issued. They cannot enter the society freely and when they reveal parts of Kim Jong Il’s personal life, they are sent to concentration camps and in some cases secretly executed.

Some also argue the Dear Leader’s ability to lead the nation has little to do with his love affairs. They say criticizing personal relationships with women as morally wrong is not a rightful thing to do. Of course, we do not have to focus on morality and leadership in our discussion.

It is only that Kim Jong Il wrongdoings such as divorcing other couples to obtain somebody else’s wives, sending numerous actors and artists to concentration camps to conceal his relationship with Sung Hye Lim, and executing actress Woo In Hee in fear of his relationship with her being revealed must be criticized.

Woo In Hee was one of the top stars in North Korean movie industry during the 60s and 70s. She was married to filmmaker Yoo Ho Sun and had three sons. In the late 70s, she had a love affair with Kim Jong Il. However, later, she also falls in love with one Korean Japanese man. After the two had relationship, the man died in his car for having slept in his car with the heater on.

Many victimized to Keep the Secret

When the incident was revealed to the public, criticisms on Woo In Hee amounted. When Kim Jong Il heard that she was calling for the Dear Leader, he ordered for an immediate execution.

She was executed as soon as the sentence, “the people’s actress Woo In Hee has committed the crime of adultery thus in the name of the people, is sentenced to execution by a fire squad,” was read out, and she died while all the actors were watching her. Until the last moment she called out for Kim Jong Il, pleading to let her meet the Dear Leader. However, her plead was turned down. This incident is well known among the North Koreans.

Kim Jong Il’s love affairs extend beyond his social life. He used women for the expansion of his power, and killed many people to keep his personal life as secret. The murder of Lee Han Young was discovered to be an order from Kim Jong Il when the couple spies from North Korea, Choi Jung Nam and Kan Yeon Jung, were arrested.

For this reason, revealing Kim Jong Il’s love affairs is not an infringement of his personal life. He is the person who broke up other people’s families and caused sufferings of many North Korean people.

Natan Sharansky and Kang Chul Hwan Address Freedom House Conference on North Korea

▲ Natan Sharansky(left) and Kang Chul Hwan(right)
















Sharansky: Human Rights Is Prior to All Other Policy for NK

By Joshua Stanton, Daily NK Correspondent in Washington
July 22, 2005


Natan Sharansky, a former Soviet dissident, Israeli politician, and author of “The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror,” addressed the first of three Freedom House conferences on freedom for North Koreans on July 19. Sharansky recently met with President Bush in the White House, and his book is said to have influenced the President’s political philosophy. Sharansky’s address to the conference lasted for approximately 20 minutes. It was followed by a joint question-and-answer session with Kang Chul Hwan, author of “The Aquariums of Pyongyang: Ten Years in the North Korean Gulag.” Kang also met with President Bush at the White House recently, for 40 minutes on June 15.

Sharansky was introduced by Carl Gershman, President of the National Endowment for Democracy. Gershman’s introduction contained two significant statements: first, that "a dissident movement in North Korea will come in [due] time;" and second, that "people with the moral clarity to see evil . . . can bring about its final demise.

Address by Natan Sharansky

Like Kang, Sharansky is a physically tiny man, just five-foot-three, but welded onto a ferrous framework--a will and a voice on the scale of the Magnitogorsk Iron Works. Sharansky's accent is no less grandiose; he can be difficult to understand at times. His voice and tenor are forceful, yet Sharansky's intellect is deft and incisive, though more evident when he's debating than when he's lecturing. Sharansky had devoured Kang's book and thought through the similarities and differences of the Soviet terror system to that of North Korea. Despite his admission that the North Korean system is far harsher than what he himself had experienced, he came prepared to apply the lessons of his own experiences to North Korea.

The speech itself was mostly a condensation of Sharansky's book, which I'd venture most of those in the crowd had already read. I strongly recommend you read it, too (less so for the last third of it, which mostly deals with internal Israeli politics). The main themes were these:

Democracy is for everyone.
Sharansky drew on the example of those who one said, "There will be no democracy in Japan," where thousands of years of civilization had produced no democratic experience. Likewise, he rejects the idea that democracy cannot take root in the Arab world, or in Korea. To Sharansky, democracy is the natural condition of societies. "You can't give people a little bit of freedom. When you've experienced freedom, you never want to go back." He recalls finding common cause with Christians and even Ukrainian nationalists in prison--the latter not being known for their affection for Jews (in his book, he describes how one made him a prayer shawl that Sharansky still treasures).

What distinguishes "Fear societies" and "free societies."
Sharansky applies the now-famous "town square test." If you can go to the town square to criticize the state without fear of persecution, the society is free.

How people survive in fear societies.
Sharansky classifies those living in fear societies into three general groups: true believers, dissenters, and doublethinkers (a term borrowed from Orwell). Dissenters differ from doublethinkers in that they dare oppose the regime openly. Sharansky noted the unlikeliness that North Korea contains any dissenters today; those who oppose the regime must take refuge in doublethink. He recalls the moment he first became a doublethinker when Stalin died in March 1953, when Sharansky was just five years old. At the time, Stalin was gearing up the state's purge machinery for a mass deportation of Soviet Jews to Siberia (more here), starting with the same critical broadsides in Pravda that had preceded so many other purges before. Sharansky's grandfather pulled him aside and whispered that he should go to school and cry like all the other children, but that inside, he should remember that they had all been saved by a miracle. Sharansky noted the unlikeliness that North Korea contains any dissenters today, but that the growth of doublethink is fastest in the most repressive societies like North Korea's.

How "fear societies" maintain power.
First, through terror--the containment of dissent and the persecution of suspected doublethinkers. Of the latter, Sharansky cited Kang's description of hiding under layers of blankets to listen to South Korean radio. Second, by creating external enemies toward which they divert popular resentment. Third, by obtaining aid from those same enemies (Sharansky may be speaking of communism's unique economic inefficiencies; China, having abandoned communism, seeks trade on favorable terms instead). Such a strategy requires mobilizing disaffected people for a sacred struggle against an enemy, even as the regime tries to mobilize its suffering people for a sacred struggle against the foreign "enemies" who are feeding them. A regime wishing to do this must control the free flow of information.

On the importance of moral clarity.
There are people who would make "any compromise to avoid war." Sharansky sees this as a false choice. "We can't send troops all over the world." "Dictatorships have strong militaries, but they are always weak from the inside" because of the extraordinary expenditure of energy required to maintain internal control. This brought Sharansky back to the power of radio and its potential for awakening dissent, and the importance of free societies using radio to tell dissenters and doublethinkers that the free world stands with them. That requires moral clarity and the willingness to link aid to demands for political liberalization. Here, Sharansky credited Reagan by name for demanding human rights concessions from the Soviets, and denounced the South Korean government for giving trade and aid without demanding liberalization or transparency as conditions. Separately, Sharansky remembers:

In 1983, I was confined to an eight-by-ten-foot prison cell on the border of Siberia. My Soviet jailers gave me the privilege of reading the latest copy of Pravda. Splashed across the front page was a condemnation of President Ronald Reagan for having the temerity to call the Soviet Union an "evil empire." Tapping on walls and talking through toilets, word of Reagan's "provocation" quickly spread throughout the prison. We dissidents were ecstatic. Finally, the leader of the free world had spoken the truth – a truth that burned inside the heart of each and every one of us.

Spreading democracy makes the world safer.
"To stay in power, a democratic leader must please his people. In a fear society, the leader must simply keep control." One way they do this is to "mobilize people for a sacred struggle against an [external] enemy." Thus, "dictators need to sustain tension with the outside world while getting support from the free world." Sharansky sees dictatorships as feeding conflict for the sake of their own survival. He contrasts this with free societies, whose populations are inherently opposed to war. "Freedom," declared Sharansky, "is the best guarantor of stability," which was one of the big applause lines of his speech.

On North Korea.
Had Sharansky not corrected his geography a moment later, the day's headline could have been, "Sharansky Calls for Regime Change in South Korea." He also called on the United States and South Korea to link assistance to North Korea with political liberalization.

Q&A Session With Senator Sam Brownback

Sharansky’s speech was followed by a question-and-answer session moderated by Senator Sam Brownback, who can fairly be called North Korea's most dangerous enemy in the U.S. Congress.

Q (Brownback to Sharansky). Tell us your impressions on reading The Aquariums of Pyongyang.

A. Although we speak of different languages and cultures, the methods of terror are the same, and thus, the methods of getting rid of the regimes are the same. We must stop appeasing dictators and force them to adjust to our philosophy [applause].

Q [for Kang, You met the President of the U.S just before with your book, The Aquariums of Pyongyang...].

It was a great honor recently to interview the President of the United States. When I escaped North Korea, I had a dream that I could be the voice of the North Korean people. In this, I received no help from the South Korean government. They never did anything to help me. They did not even participate in the three U.N. resolutions condemning North Korea's human rights abuses. They are like Lee Won-Yong who sold Korea to Japan. I have read Natan Sharansky's book [the Korean edition was just released]. Those living in terror regimes must have courage in their hearts. Those in free societies must exercise moral discernment. The Sunshine Policy has produced nothing after eight years. North Korea still commits eggregious human rights violations, and continues to build nuclear weapons. It is time to correct it. I respect activists who fought for democracy in South Korea, activists like Kim Moon Soo.* Thank you for fighting for human rights in North Korea.

[* Kim Moon Soo is a GNP member of the Korean National Assembly who spent three years in prison for pro-democracy activities as a labor leader in the 1980s. He attended the Freedom House conference and is now an activist for human rights in North Korea. Regrettably, I had to decline an invitation to dinner with him because I'm supposed to be on leave, and my family needs to see more of me these days.]

Q (by Brownback, for Sharansky). What did dissidents do to bring down the Soviet regime?

A. We were in a constant struggle with them. We got no news from the outside, but we could tell what effect we were having because of the KGB questions, and the care they took to bring me back from death during my hunger strikes. Our greatest day was when Ronald Reagan called the Soviet Union an "evil empire." We were knocking on the walls to communicate the message to each other. I also remember that Ronald Reagan said that he was not interested in friendship with the Soviet Union. Finally, someone was speaking the truth. Finally, someone had shown moral clarity.

Q. Are we speaking with sufficient clarity on North Korea?

A. No. The policy thus far has been mostly appeasement. We have taken the position that we have to deal with the nuclear issues first. Even the policy of South Korea has lacked moral clarity. A strong moral position is best for us, and best for the world.

Q. And for the North Korean people?

A. No doubt. It's what the North Korean people need. It is racism to believe that there are people who like to be tortured [applause].

Q (for Kang). Can you give us one vignette that summarizes your experience in North Korea?

A. [Kang never really responded, but instead related:] I was sent to prison [at age nine] because of some offense by my grandfather. In North Korea, the policy is to root out class enemies for three generations. In the gulags, there are two levels of security--"controlled" areas [from which no one ever leaves], and "revolutionary" areas, such as the one where we were. North Korea's gulags serve two purposes--controlling opposition, and getting work from people. Hitler had his Auschwitz with its gas chambers. North Korea doesn't have this*, but has executed 200,000 to 300,000 people in its camps. In the 21st Century, we are still witnessing such gulags as those run by Hitler.

[* Obviously, there have been reports of gas chambers in North Korea. The U.S. Congress may soon hold hearings on this very question. Did Kang mean to suggest that the reports are false, or that the North Korean gas chambers simply don't match the scale of those in the Nazi camps. Indeed, the evidence is that they operate on a far, far smaller scale. I will see if I can clarify this.]

Q. What are the most effective things we can advocate to bring change to North Korea?

A. The North Korean regime is using its nuclear weapons as a form of blackmail. The nuclear focus keeps us from getting to the heart of the issue, the nature of the North Korean regime. Our aid to North Korea should be conditioned on human rights conditions there.

Q (for Sharansky). This is being broadcast live into North Korea. Ambassador Mark Palmer, who was the force behind the ADVANCE Democracy Act [my first-hand report of its announcement here], tells us that we should not negotiate with evil, but that instead, we should confront it. What can we do in that regard?

A. We must speak with the dissidents and show everyone whose side Americans are on. This is true whether we are talking about Iran, Syria, or North Korea. One million Lebanese are free today because of this. President Bush's meeting with Kang Chul Hwan may have been the reason the North Koreans suddenly to negotiate again. We must encourage double-thinkers to become dissidents. As with Helsinki, we should link human rights to our code of ethics for engagement.

Q. Would you call what has happened in North Korea a genocide?

A. With a regime that starves its own people, I would not be surprised [my own thoughts on the question here]. China, which repatriates North Koreans back to these conditions, uses the excuse that it has no room for all of these people. For a country with, what--a billion people?--this is nothing but a demographic pretext. These people are being sent back to certain death.

Q. Should we call it a genocide?

A. Yes, but it's not enough to call it a genocide. We must treat it as one [enthusiastic applause].

Q. (to Kang). Some defectors have told us that North Koreans no longer look up to Kim Jong Il. Is that true?

A. It is true. The people think one thing and say another [here, Kang rephrased the ideas in Sharansky’s book] until it is safe for them to be more honest. When the terror is lifted, criticism can emerge into the open.

Q. How can we communicate with them?

A. One way is to do so through China. Some may believe that China is an ally of North Korea, but actually, it's a threat. Through China, North Koreans can see South Korean soap operas and get access to foreign ideas and learn how people on the outside live. Another way is through broadcasting, such as by KBS or Radio Free Asia. We should also drop more radios to the people.

Iraqi Bishop: British welcomed their murderers

Mgr Rabban al Qas, Chaldean Bishop of Amadiyah and Arbil:

"The British are reaping the fruit of trees they have sown in their country. They extended too much hospitality to fundamentalists and now they have many, who eat, drink and publicize their war and violence.

"We have been able to foresee the danger. In the name of human rights, they gave shelter to assassins. Why should London welcome a person who has been rejected by his country because he has killed? There must be a distinction between respect for human rights and hospitality extended to criminals.

"We cannot extend hospitality to people who preach war, criticize Iraq, applaud beheadings, sow hatred."

Liberal media bias? You don't say!

2005-07-22
If the hat fits

By LINK BYFIELD, July 22, 2005

A Monday editorial in the Toronto Sun about Conservative leader Stephen Harper illustrates, in a small way, why this country doesn't work.

They're good people at the TorSun, who try in their polyglot left-liberal corner of the world to be sensible.

But sometimes even the good Ontarians just don't get it.

Stung by some snotty comment in the Globe and Mail, the Toronto Sun criticized Harper for wearing an ordinary white felt cowboy hat and an ordinary black leather vest at The Calgary Stampede.

The Toronto Sun felt compelled to warn him, in the discreet tone of someone advising a friend to use deodorant, "Stop dressing up in funny hats and outfits like this, and trying to be a gladhander."

Apparently cowboy hats turn off Ontarians in droves.

If true (and we have no reason to doubt it) we can hardly fault the Toronto Sun for telling us. But what does that say about Ontarians?

It tells us they expect us to conform to their tastes because they find ours ridiculous.

It tells us we may not celebrate our history and traditions if we want to be taken seriously on a national level.

It tells us they have the political acumen of teenagers, and will judge a national leader on what he wears rather than what he is.

And it tells us (if we needed to be reminded) that they hold Albertans to a double standard.

Have the Ontario media ever ridiculed Paul Martin, Pierre Trudeau, Prince Philip, or anyone else except Albertans when they wore "funny hats" in Calgary?

Not that I can recall.

But it's somehow unacceptable for an Alberta MP to come home and take part in his own city's biggest annual bash --probably the best-known Canadian civic festival in the world.

If Harper had gone to some voyageur festival in Quebec and put on a toque, or a Metis fiddling contest in Manitoba and donned the famous sash, or eaten lobster in a Nova Scotia sou'wester, all that would be normal and commendable.

But Lord help him if he wears a Stetson during Stampede, along with everyone else in Calgary.

Now why is this?

Is it because Ontarians associate Stetsons with American culture, which they despise, though they themselves lack any recognizable equivalent?

Maybe, but that only proves they're envious of Americans, and maybe us too.

Is it because they think Calgary has no genuine cowboy culture of its own? Maybe. But that only means they're ignorant.

The historical fact is that after Ottawa stood by and let the Natives wipe out the last remaining Canadian buffalo in the Cypress Hills in 1879, the empty western plains soon filled up with unfenced cattle ranches bigger than present-day Toronto.

These were owned and operated by newcomers from Britain, Canada and the U.S. -- the Waldron, the Cochrane, the Oxley, the Northwest Cattle Co., the Beresford, the Bar U.

The fall cattle roundups swept across grassland areas the size of maritime provinces.

Maybe Ontarians aren't taught about this in school.

Who knows?

And more to the point, why should we have to care?

Well, mainly because Ontarians elect our national government. Their ruling media and political elites subjected Preston Manning and Stockwell Day to the same relentless, mindless, juvenile regionally-bigoted ridicule, and most Ontario voters bought it.

The result was the Chretien decade, rivalling the Trudeau years for national stupidity.

Ontarians are an enigma to us Albertans.

Most of the individuals we know from that province are OK, and some are fine people.

However, this altogether typical example of Ontario bitchiness about something as inconsequential as a hat suggests that collectively and politically they are intolerant, insecure, adolescent and ill-informed.


The Charlottetown Guardian:


[CTV's Mike] Duffy admits a Liberal bias at some media outlets makes it difficult for Harper and the Conservatives to get their message out.

“I’ve just been speaking to a couple of young journalists and I was shocked,” he said.

“One young journalist in New Brunswick said to me, ‘when I see Stephen Harper I see the enemy.’”



Left-leaning hypocrisy

By Michael Coren, July 23, 2005


Miss Universe is one of many victims of liberal narrow- mindedness, which is in reality a rigid intolerance masquerading as tolerance, Michael Coren argues

We should remember the last few days as The Week of Hypocrisy. A revealing glimpse into the world of contemporary North America and its ways and wants.

As so often, it started with the CBC.

Taking its lead from the BBC and Reuters, the network refuses to employ the word "terrorist" when describing people who purposefully murder harmless men, women and children.

Quite clearly, we need to distinguish between armed resistance to oppression and the intentional killing of the innocent.

But when the latter is obvious, as with the London mass murders, we cannot hide behind euphemisms.

This is particularly so for the CBC, which for years has used pejorative and judgmental words to describe people who are pro-life, orthodox Christian and conservative. If the words aren't enough, one only has to look at the gestures and listen to the inflection of various anchors and interviewers, to know where they stand.

Some years ago, a leading CBC commentator and host described Roman Catholicism as an international criminal organization and was not even challenged. There's fairness for you.

In Toronto, the city's mayor sensibly apologized to the new Miss Universe, who happens to be a Canadian. She had been refused a welcome at City Hall because municipal bylaws prevent any "activities which degrade men or women through sexual stereotyping, or exploit the bodies of men, women, boys or girls solely for the purpose of attracting attention."

Odd, then, that the rainbow flag is now officially flown from City Hall by this same authority every year for the Gay Pride parade and the ceremony around this is attended by the mayor, the chief of police and assorted political and business figures.

Odd because at the Gay Pride Parade, numerous women march topless, men dance about as sexual objects in leather briefs and male cross-dressers cover themselves in ghoulish make-up, wear high heels and claim to look like women.

Not only does this objectify women, and men, but it degrades them as well. As for "attracting attention" and "stereotypes," the truth really does cry out to be heard.

The fashionable left has found a new cause in Hassan Almrei, a 31-year-old Syrian accused of having ties to al-Qaida. He has been detained for almost four years because Canadian intelligence believes him to be a threat to our security.

Alexa McDonough, Alexandre Trudeau, Avi Lewis and their friends believe this to be unacceptable. Perhaps they are correct.

Yet why, one wonders, did they not speak out when Holocaust denier Ernst Zundel was also categorized a security threat and kept in solitary confinement?

Islamic fundamentalist terrorism (apologies to the CBC) is certainly a threat. Nazi propaganda may be vile, but is far less serious. As awful as he may be, it could well be argued that Zundel is less of a threat than Almeri. Yet fashionable he certainly is not.

Across the border in the United States, a 24-year-old female teacher conducted a sexual relationship with a boy of fourteen. What she did was, of course, repugnant and immoral.

The same public and politicians who are so angry at her behaviour, however, said very little when the age of consent was lowered, when the law was changed to allow young girls to go on the contraceptive pill without parental consent and when major corporations produced, and produce, clothing for six-year-old children that is sexually suggestive.

Finally we have intolerance in the name of tolerance.

Marriage commissioner Orville Nichols has supervised thousands of weddings in Saskatchewan but now looks likely to lose his job. The reason is that he has refused to marry a gay couple.

Predictably, the people he so offended have gone to the provincial Human Rights Commission and the 69-year-old Nichols knows that there is none so angry as a liberal scorned.

Perhaps comrades McDonough, Trudeau and Lewis will fight for his right to have an opinion without being fired and stand up for his freedom.

Then again, perhaps not.

As I said, The Week Of Hypocrisy.

Loretta Lynn - God Makes No Mistakes

Why, I've heard people say
Why is this tree bent?
Why they don't have God enough to know
That's the way that it was meant?

Why is this little baby born
All twisted and out of shape?
We're not to question what he does
God makes no mistakes

Commies I.L.F.

2005-07-21


North Korean synchronized swimming team in Montreal

Which is crazier - Communism or synchronized swimming?

Both bizarre, but the combination is off the chart!

Whackjob Muzzie psychos fail to hook up with 288 houries

Ha Fuckin' Ha Ha!

London: Four whackjob Muzzie psychos failed to hook up with their 72 houries today, after trying to set off the dud explosives supplied by the British secret service. (Just my theory)

Hmmm . . . So, what's the national anthem?

2005-07-20



Hidden Agenda

Tea

THIS MEANS WAR

These ignorant feminazi bitch-ass motherfuckers are out of control!



BANNED



BANNED

Natalie Glebova, Miss Universe, Miss Canada, a Torontonian, was just banned from an event at Toronto City Hall.

MISS Glebova, who has been named by the Thai government as an honorary ambassador, was to appear as a special guest at the "Tastes of Thailand" festival, to raise funds for tsunami relief, and to commemorate the 60th year of King Bhu's reign.

But she was turned away because, "Activities which degrade men or women through sexual stereotyping, or exploit the bodies of men, women, boys or girls solely for the purpose of attracting attention, are not permitted."

But who is welcome at the Shitty Hall?

Feast your eyes on these good citizens:

Naked Ugly Queers

Fat Gross Fairy
Queer Pride 2002
Queer Pride 2005


IMG_4106.jpg

COOL DUDE (...)



Toronto Sun
CBC

"The sky is falling, the sky is falling!"

2005-07-18
Bush is not popular anymore in the US?
Just a reminder - take a look at where the MSM is located:



2004





2000

Computer Dummies






US Dems Are Total Fucking LOONS!

2005-07-17
Ex-Clinton Aide Charges Republicans 'Want to Kill Us'
By Jered Ede, CNSNews.com, July 15, 2005

Democrat political strategist Paul Begala was featured at the first-ever Campus Progress National Student Conference, which was designed to provide campus liberals with the tools necessary to fight the conservative movement. The event also drew former President Bill Clinton, for whom Begala once worked as an advisor.

A panel discussion entitled "Winning the War of Ideas" centered on topics discussed in the book "What's the Matter with Kansas" by Thomas Frank and detailed the challenges that Democrats face in persuading voters in the American heartland and elsewhere to embrace their agenda and support their candidates.

Begala declared that Republicans had "done a piss-poor job of defending" the U.S.

"Republicans want to kill us," he said. "I was driving past the Pentagon when that plane hit [on Sept. 11, 2001]. I had friends on that plane; this is deadly serious to me. They want to kill me and my children if they can. But if they just kill me and not my children, they want my children to be comforted -- that while they didn't protect me because they cut my taxes, my children won't have to pay any money on the money they inherit. That is bullshit national defense."

Begala also included Republican domestic policies in his sweeping criticism. "Okay, they are utterly and completely brain-dead," he said.

Author Thomas Frank reminded students that "[Democrat President] Franklin Roosevelt got us in World War II. They dragged the Republicans kicking and screaming. They didn't want to get in that war. They didn't have any problem with Hitler."

[BTW:

One of the most vocal opponents of U.S. intervention in World War II was Democrat Joseph P. Kennedy, one of Roosevelt's top fundraisers, the U.S. ambassador to Great Britain, and father of John F. Kennedy.

His eldest son, Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr., wrote to his father that Hitler's "dislike of the Jews ... was well-founded. In every revolution, you have to expect some bloodshed. Hitler is building a spirit in his men that could be envied in this country."

Kennedy Sr. responded, "I was very pleased and gratified at your observations of the German situation, and I think your conclusions are very sound."]

Our values were once common currency in the Middle East

2005-07-16
David Warren:

"Our values were once common currency in the Middle East, for most of that region was once Christian. But in the 14 centuries since the Islamic conquest, what we take for granted was in fact rooted out."

Wow! Just wait 'til Mr Dithers reads this (Hillier will be sent for sensitivity training)

2005-07-15
Canada's top military officer, General Rick Hillier, chief of the defense staff: "We're actually going there [Afghanistan] to take down the folks who are trying to still blow up men and woman in Afghanistan and still provide a base for an organisation like al-Qaeda."

Hillier dismissed fears that a more active role for the military overseas might trigger attacks in Canada, noting that Canadians had not hesitated to fight in World War Two.

"Did they say 'No, because we might be attacked over here if we actually go and stand up against those despicable murderous bastards'? No they did not," he said. "They went and did it because it was right. I think it's exactly the same thing now. We need to take a stand," he added, saying last week's bomb attacks in London showed Canada could not afford to be complacent.

Hillier also confirmed that Canada's top secret Joint Task Force Two commando force would be taking part in operations in Afghanistan against al-Qaeda and the Taliban.

"These are detestable murderers and scumbags, I'll tell you that right up front. They detest our freedoms, they detest our society, they detest our liberties," he said.

Hillier served as the head of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Kabul last year.

"We are the Canadian Forces, and our job is to be able to kill people."

Reuters, July 14, 2005

Muslim Hypocrisy (Part 7,892) - Spain vs. Saudi


Spanish Muslims (500,000, including 20,000 converts) demand that Cordoban Cathedral, which was converted into mosque and then back to a Cathedral, be re-converted to mosque.

900,000+ Christians in Saudi Arabia (citizenship is forbidden of course) get 300 lashes (or death), forbidden to bring Bibles, might be permitted to worship in their own apartheid residences (judges not really sure about that).

What's wrong with picture?

****


Fr. Samir says Islamic “re-conquest” is possible thanks to Europe’s loss of identity.

Asia Newss , 29 April, 2004

Beirut (AsiaNews) – The desire to "regain" the Mosque of Cordoba, now a Cathedral since 1236, is a clear sign of the Muslim tendency to “re-conquer” Europe. However, “the support given by certain Spanish government leaders in the city (of Cordoba) makes it all the more manifest just how much Europe has ‘lost its identity’, widespread now across the continent”, Fr. Samir Khalil, a professor in Beirut told AsiaNews.

Jesuit Father Samir Khalil, 68, is one of the world’s greatest experts on the Islamic and Arab world. Of Egyptian origin, he worked for years in Egypt and Lebanon. To this very day he divides his time between teachings at St. Joseph’s University in Beirut and the Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies in Rome.

Fr. Samir said “many Spanish Muslims have the idea of re-conquering Europe, reaffirmed “months ago by the Imam of Granada, at the laying of the first stone ceremony at the city’s new mosque before the King of Spain!”

AsiaNews asked Fr. Samir how many churches have been converted into mosques and whether Christians, imitating Muslim faithful in Cordoba, would want to “win them back”.

“There not (even) capable of responding,” he said. “I can say with absolute certainty that there are hundreds (of such converted churches) and that this has frequently happened throughout history. Just think of Santa Sophia in Istanbul, the Ummayade mosque in Damascus and the Ibn Tulum mosque in Cairo built with remains of destroyed churches.”

“To this end I would like to point out one fact: the famous mosque of Cordoba –originally a church before it became a mosque—is still almost entirely intact, thanks to the Christians who took care to preserve it. In other cases, the buildings immediately underwent so much violence that the church’s original structure is now almost unrecognizable.”


Christian churches converted to mosques

Asia News, 29 April, 2004

Throughout the Church’s history there have been many Christian churches transformed into mosques, which Christians have never tried to reclaim.

Some of the most important examples are:

1) Basilica of Sta. Sophia (Istanbul): of Byzantine-Orthodox traditions built by Emperor Constantine in honor of Holy Wisdom and expanded by Constance II. In 404 it was destroyed in a fire and after being rebuilt by Theodosius II it burned down again in 532. Emperor Justinian ordered to be rebuilt a second time, being completed in 537 just five and a half years with 10,000 workers participating in the project. The Iconoclasts destroyed most of its precious mosaics. As of 1453 it was the largest Christian church in the world until Mehmet II the Conqueror, the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, converted it into a mosque after conquering Constantinople. In 1935, the basilica was deconsecrated on orders from Ataturk, founder of the modern Turkish republic at the end of the Ottoman Empire. Today it is a museum.

2) Ummayyade Mosque (Damascus): Built between 705 and 715 on top of the ruins of St. John the Baptist Church by Arab Ummayyade caliphs, a dynasty that reigned from 661-750. The mosque was restored in the 15th century and again in the 19th. In May of 2001, the pope visited the mosque. During his historic visit the John Paul II became the first pontiff ever in history to enter a Muslim place of worship. Before he went inside, the pope took off his shoes and prayed in front of the tomb of John the Baptist. According to a legend, when Jesus comes back to earth to battle the Anti-Christ, he will descend upon the Mosque’s minaret.

3) Ibn Tulun Mosque (Cairo): This mosque dates back to the 9th century and is one the largest mosques in the world. It takes its name from Ahmad Ibn Tulum, founder of the Tulunid Dynasty which dominated Egypt from 868-905. The mosque was built from 876-79 with materials gathered from a destroyed Christian church outside the Muslim city. The church’s capitals are still visible inside the mosque. (MR)



Brian O’Connor: “My story, a Christian in a Saudi jail”
By Nirmala Carvalho, Asia News, 25 November, 2004

Exclusive interview with Brian O’Connor, an Indian Protestant accused of evangelising activities and freed after an international campaign supported by AsiaNews. He says that in “Saudi jails there are many more Brians who need help.”

Hubli (AsiaNews) – Charged with “Christian evangelisation”, Brian Savio O’Connor spent seven months and seven days in a Saudi jail, at times in chains and tortured. The 36-year-old Protestant man from the Indian state of Karnataka is now a free a man once again after he was released in early November thanks to an international campaign launched by AsiaNews and other Websites, Catholic and non Catholic, around the world.

From his town of Hubli in Karnataka where he lives with his brother and family, O’Connor spoke to AsiaNews about his ordeal.

Mr O’Connor is an Anglo-Indian. On April 15, 1998, he arrived in Saudi Arabia to work as a baggage handler for Saudi Arabian Airlines. In his spare time, he organised Bible study sessions in the privacy of his home, especially with Pakistanis and Arabs. He had a hundred or so DVD with biblical themes: quotes, documentaries, films on biblical characters. He also had over 60 Trinity Broadcasting Corporation videotapes showing Rev Benny Hinn’s sermons. He had also installed a digital Bible in his computer.

The Saudi Kingdom is home to Islam’s two holiest sites: Mecca and Medina. The country is ruled by a fundamentalist ideology that prohibits all forms of religion except for Islam. Its religious police—the infamous Muttawah—is ever vigilant against Bibles, rosaries, crosses or Christian gatherings. Although Saudi princes have said that non Muslim religious practices are possible in private, the Muttawah makes no difference between private and public.

Mr O’Connor, how were you arrested?

On the evening of March 25, at around 5:45 pm, I received a phone call from a stranger who called himself Joseph. He said that a friend, Orlando, wanted to talk to me about Christianity. I did not know any Orlando and grew suspicious. But even so, I invited him to come, along with this Orlando, to my room (the quarters my Muslim employers provided me).

This man, Joseph, insisted that we meet in a coffee shop just outside my room. I asked him who he was and from where. He claimed to be an Egyptian national, but I was sure that he had a marked Saudi accent.

As soon as I stepped outside my room, there was a convoy of three cars waiting for me with religious police who had night binoculars. I realised then that I had been under surveillance for some time.

I was bundled into one of the waiting cars and driven to a mosque. Inside, the Islamic police chained my legs together.

I am about 5’6’’ and this huge 6’2” tall, hefty policeman hangs me upside down, swinging me from left to right by the chains on my feet. Often in my cell at night I could hear the sound of the chains ringing in my ears.

I was battered in this upside-down position for more than an hour. I was kicked and punched and whipped. I was unable even to ward off the punches to my face, as my hands were tied behind my back.

It was nearly midnight and I was weak from the torture when a policeman brought some papers. In between the torture sessions, he forced me to sign statements in which I confessed that I had in my possession Biblical DVDs and CDs and was engaged in evangelising activities.

I told them that private religious meetings were not illegal, but they kept on saying that any religious activity other than Islam was prohibited.

I was then asked to sign a confession in which I acknowledged that I was selling alcohol.

I may have been in severe physical pain and I may have been exhausted, but I refused to sign this false statement. I told the Muttawah officer, how could I, a preacher and believer in Jesus, be selling alcohol? [Evangelical Christians refuse and prohibit alcohol use.]

Tell us about your life in prison . . .

I was miserable and, at times, frightened, not knowing what new false charges would be levied against me, all my personal belongings confiscated, my room ransacked.

I was also worried about the distress my arrest and imprisonment would cause to my family back home in India.

I was imprisoned in a cell with 17 other inmates, people convicted on charges ranging from murder to drug peddling and other such heinous crimes.

The section of the prison where I was confined had 14 cells. There were few guards but our movements and conversations were closely monitored by cameras which monitored our every move.

There was no problem with regards to food as Indians and Saudis more or less eat the same things.

I did manage to maintain some contact with people outside with the help of “illegal mobile phones” which were smuggled in for me by the guards for a price.

Did they let you pray?

Initially, whenever I tried to pray, I faced stiff resistance and antagonism from my fellow cell mates. Within a month of my arrest however, I had befriended some of the 17 convicts who petitioned the jailer to allow me to pray. I did, but only between Muslim prayers. I had to keep a strict discipline and remain silent during their five daily prayers.

How would you describe your time in prison?

As a blessing in disguise. I feel privileged for suffering in the name of Jesus. Besides, my time in prison has meant that 21 people have come to know Jesus. Thanks to this ordeal I have emerged stronger in faith and endurance. The Lord has confirmed my mission as an evangelical preacher.

Are you sorry you ever went to Saudi Arabia?

No! As I said, it was a blessing in disguise. In 2003 I was offered a job in Great Britain but I turned it down. Perhaps, it was the Holy Spirit’s doing. If I had accepted I would not have been able to bear witness to the Gospel in a Saudi prison.

On September 15, 2004, Mr O’Connor was brought to court on charges of selling alcohol, drug use, possession of pornographic material and spreading Christianity. Under Saudi law, these charges are punished by life in prison.

The judge however decided to separate the evangelisation charges from the rest. For this charge, he was supposed to be tried by the High Court. For the others, he was tried there and then with Muttawah agents called to testify.

In the meantime, a campaign for Mr O’Connor’s liberation was launched. Eventually, Prince Naif, the second ranking prince in the Saudi royal family, wrote to the court ordering it to drop all charges. But on October 20, despite the Prince’s intervention, the court met to try him for his alleged alcohol sale.

How could they charge you with selling alcohol?

According to the prosecutor, a man sent by the Muttawah told the religious police that he bought alcohol from me paying with marked banknotes. They alleged that I was found with the marked banknotes and charged me with selling alcoholic beverages. They said that I had sold ten 1-litre bottles of alcohol. I then threatened to appeal to the High Court and asked them for proof: whether they had my fingerprints on any of the bank notes or on the ten bottles. They said that they had no such system in Saudi Arabia. I was then sent back to my cell.

You were sentenced to 10 months in jail and 300 lashes, what happened to you afterwards?

The seven months I had already served were a part of the 10 month sentence for selling of alcohol. Praise the Lord! I was not whipped. This only proves that [. . .] there is no coordination between the Saudi police and the Government. Then, one night I was driven to a Saudi airport and put on a flight to Mumbai, where my brothers in Christ picked me up.

An interesting point is that my colleagues in Saudi Arabia said that I was still scheduled to appear before the court on November 6 on the alcohol charges. How ridiculous . . . Such efficiency!

As you may be aware, Asia News launched an international campaign to secure your release . . .

I am very grateful to AsiaNews for the international campaign that was launched on my behalf. I am also thankful to ‘Christian Solidarity Worldwide’ and ‘All India Christian Council’ for their assistance. I especially want to thank the readers of AsiaNews for the postcards and letters that kept pouring in from around the globe. But please tell the world that there are many more Brians in Saudi Jails waiting for some help.



Christians arrested and persecuted in Saudi Arabia

Riyadh prisons are full of Christians but also Shiites and ‘heretical’ Sufi practitioners.

Asia News, 25 November, 2004

Riyadh (AsiaNews) - Brian Savio O’Connor’s case is but the latest one in a long series of arrests, torture and abductions endured by Christians in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi regime’s oppression of anything that is not Wahhabi Islam is raising fears among the eight million foreigners working in the desert kingdom.

Christianity is especially marked for repression. Local sources told AsiaNews that many Christians are in Saudi prisons for religious reasons.

In October 2003, the Muttawah, the Saudi religious police, arrested two Egyptian Christians. They were released a month later.

In February 2003, a foreign Christian of unknown nationality was expelled for giving an Arabic Bible to a Saudi citizen: foreigners are allowed to have Bibles in their own language, but owning one in Arabic is tantamount to proselytising, a crime that is punished with a jail sentence.

Again in 2003, an Ethiopian Christian was expelled for refusing to provide a public inquiry with information about his religious beliefs.

In early 2003, four Pakistani Christians were arrested by the Muttawah for no apparent reason: two were eventually released and expelled; nothing is known of the other two.

In May 2002, Jeddah police arrested 10 Christians from Eritrea and Ethiopia who had gathered for their weekly meeting, on a Friday, Islam’s day of rest. At the time of their arrest, the police tried to incriminate them by promising them alcohol and drinks. .

In February 2002, Dennis Moreno-Lacalle, a Filipino man and the last of 14 Christians arrested in July of the previous year was released. He and other Christians from India, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Eritrea and his native Philippines used to gather in private homes for prayers and other religious activities. They had all been charged with “illegal Christian activities”. In Prison, Muttawah agents told Mr Moreno-Lacalle that he would be freed if he converted to Islam but he steadfastly refused and for this spent six months in jail.

On January 28, 2002, International Christian Concern received a letter from three Ethiopian Christians describing the terrible violence and torture they were endured in Jeddah’s Bremen Prison. At that point in time, the three men had spent six months in jail; their crime: being Christian.

There is no religious freedom in Saudi Arabia. With the exception of Wahhabi Islam, all other religions are banned from public life. In principle, Saudi law allows members of other confessions to worship in the privacy of their home, but in practice, this is not the case.

Lest we forget, many Shiites and Sufi* practitioners are also languishing in prison, not to mention some Saudi Muslims fighting for democracy and the respect for human rights. (LF)

* Sufism is a mystical form of Islamic worship. Sufi practitioners are organised into brotherhoods and sisterhoods. Many orders ("tariqas") are either Shiite or Sunni or even both. A few are neither and so constitute a separate sphere of Islam.



Ten months in jail and 300 lashes for Christian prisoner O'Connor

Asia News, 27 October, 2004

Indian Christian in prison for seven months charged with evangelisation sentenced only for “selling alcohol”. Indian Christian activist writes to Saudi monarch asking for his compatriot’s release.

Riyadh (AsiaNews) – On October 20, a Saudi court in Deerah near Riyadh sentenced Brian Savio O’Connor, a Indian Christian resident in Saudi Arabia, to ten months in prison and 300 lashes for selling “alcoholic beverages”, this according to Middle East Concern (MEC), an organisation dedicated to the fate of Christians in the Middle East that has been monitoring the case of the Protestant man from the south-eastern Indian state of Karnataka.

Mr O’Connor has been incarcerated in Olaya prison since March 25 after the Muttawa, the Saudi religious police, abducted him from home and tortured for 24 hours in a mosque.

He was later charged with preaching Christianity, selling alcohol, drug use and possession of pornographic videos. He has always denied the charges, but has acknowledged leading Bible studies in his home for expatriate Christians after the authorities published information in the local press whereby non-Muslims could practice their religion at home. In practice, religious freedom does not exist in the country except for Muslims and any religious activity outside Islam is considered a felony.

In his October 20 court hearing, the judges found him guilty of selling alcohol but did not mention any of the other charges: drug use, evangelisation and, after September 15, possession of pornographic videos.

After reading the sentence, the court asked Mr O’Connor if he accepted this decision. He declined thus appealing the decision. He was warned that under Saudi law the higher court would most likely increase the sentence if it, too, found him guilty.

During the hearing Brian asked why the religious police who arrested him were not present as had been announced at the previous hearing. He was told that they had given their statement at a private hearing.

According to the MEC and Mr O’Connor’s family, the Muttawa did a good job at trumpeting up the alcohol charges. He was found in possession of banknotes—whose serial number the Muttawa had taken down—that had been used by an agent paid by the police to purchase the alcohol.

MEC sources claim that the O’Connor file has now moved to the “Departure” section of Olaya prison indicating that he might be expelled from the country after Ramadan.

Following the Court’s decision, Indian activist John Dayal wrote an appeal to Saudi King Fahd bin Abdulaziz al-Saud asking him to “give clemency to O’Connor” and urge the Saudi government to “release this Indian citizen who has already suffered much”.

“We are sure,” Mr Dayal said in the letter, that “we will not be disappointed in this appeal for mercy and justice in the name of universal brotherhood, human dignity and the friendly relations between the two countries, India and Saudi Arabia.”

John Dayal is the President of the All India Catholic Union (which represent India’s 16 million Catholics) and the Secretary General of the All India Christian Council, one of India’s major ecumenical Christian organisations. AsiaNews and other Catholic websites (see www.stranocristiano.it) have followed the O’Connor case and promoted an awareness campaign on his behalf.

In the letter to the Saudi king, Dayal states that O’Connor’s “employers have declared that the allegations against their employee are not valid” even though it is accepted that he is a practicing Christian.

According to Dayal, Mr O’Connor’s arrest, his experience in jail and now his sentence have caused “deep concern” amongst Indian Christians. “Brian,” Dayal wrote, “has no criminal record at home or abroad, and has been arrested, we feel, just for his religious convictions.” (LF)



New false accusations brought in court against O’Connor, an Indian-born Christian

By Lorenzo Fazzini, Asia News, 24 September, 2004

Details about the arrest point to a plot by Islamic police against the Christian man who has been in jail for the last six months on charges of “evangelisation”.

Riyadh (AsiaNews) – Brian Savio O’Connor, a Christian imprisoned since March, was finally brought before a judge in a Deerah area courthouse (in Riyadh) for his first trial hearing. The proceedings lasted 90 minutes.

In addition to the known charges of drug use, selling alcohol and preaching Christianity Mr O’Connor was accused of possessing pornographic movies, this according to Middle East Concern (MEC), a Christian advocacy group in the Middle East that has been following the his case. MEC claims that charges against O’Connor are false, a fabrication of the Mutawwa, the Saudi religious police, designed to incriminate him because of his Christian beliefs.

O’Connor has been in prison since March after being abducted by the Mutawwa. In police custody he was tortured for a day and received death threats if he did not abjure his faith. Later, he was placed in the custody of Saudi courts and has been in prison for the past six months.

In his court hearing, O’Connor had no defence attorney and had to be his own legal council.

Initially, the court told him to speak in Arabic but given his limited fluency in the language he requested the assistance of official interpreter which was granted.

The presiding judge was not present in the early phase of the hearing; his assistant was and displayed a hostile attitude towards the defendant.

According to the prosecutor, the Indian-born Christian was caught selling liquor to a man hired by the Mutawwa to pose as a buyer. The serial numbers on the banknotes the buyer used in the transaction were recorded before the liquor was purchased. Since O’Connor was found with the banknotes he was charged with selling alcoholic beverages.

The prosecutor also charged O’Connor with possession of video material containing pornographic movies and storing Christian material on his computer. The defendant did admit to owning bibles and video material but denied his movies had any pornographic content. Asked why he had the videos, he answered that it was private material for personal use. The judges however disagreed and accused of “evangelisation”.

In all, O’Connor had a hundred biblical video CDs. They included excerpts, documentaries and movies about the Holy Scriptures. Some 60 videocassettes contained shows from US TV preacher Benny Hinn by the Trinity Broadcasting Corporation. O’Connor’s computer also stored an electronic version of the Bible.

The judges asked the defendant whether he had any Bible. He said that he had brought some copies from India [Editor’s Note: O’Connor has been living in Saudi Arabia for the past six years] to the study the Scriptures. They then asked him whether he knew that bringing Bibles into Saudi Arabia was illegal. O’Connor said that he brought them legally. “At the airport, customs officials did not confiscate them,” he pointed out. The Court concluded that the defendant “was not aware” that “such books” were banned. However, it did accuse him of owning Bibles in languages he, himself, did not know perfectly, namely Arabic and Urdu, and this, for the authorities, constituted evidence that he was using Christian books for the purpose of “evangelisation” and was thus involved in “preaching Christianity”.

O’Connor did in fact organise private study sessions with Urdu and Arabic-speaking people. However, Saudi authorities have not adopted any final rules on banning Bibles from entering the country. Sometimes officials confiscate them; other times, they let them through. Some border officials let them through for personal use as long as they are not in Arabic; in other cases, people who had their Bibles confiscated can get them back after complaining with customs authorities.


To the evangelisation charge, O’Connor replied that he did not think that private religious meetings were illegal. To back his claim he referred to a report published in ArabNews on April 9, 2003, where it was clearly written that “non-Muslims can practice their faith in private”. The Court said that the claim was untrue upon which O’Connor exhibited a photocopy of the Riyadh edition of the Arab News article. The Court asked that a copy of the article be found so that its contents could be verified.

Despite the Court’s misgivings, the right to worship in private has been recently confirmed by Saudi authorities. On September 17, Lebanese daily The Star quoted a Saudi government official saying – in response to the US State Department report on religious freedom – that “non-Muslims who live in the kingdom do not have places for worshipping like churches because they are not citizens. [However,] they can practice their religions freely inside their houses”.

Furthermore, on September 19, Saudi newspaper Okaz quoted Mutawwa chief Sheik Ibrahim bin Abdullah al-Ghaith saying that “[although] Saudi Arabia will never allow public displays of their faith, [it] does not prevent non-Muslims from practicing their religion”.

The next hearing in the trial has not yet been scheduled but O’Connor will be able to confront his Mutawwa accusers. For now, “Brian said he was happy to hear that many people are praying for him and fighting for his release [. . . and] wants to thank them for their support,” Middle East Concern reported.

According to Saudi authorities O’Connor must be an “exceptional” person and the leader of a group, backed by outside powers, that seeks to promote Christianity in the country. This, they infer from the many letters O’Connor has received during his months of incarceration. In fact, upon hearing of his arrest, many Christian organisations started a campaign on O’Connor’s behalf out of religious solidarity urging Christians from all over the world to write a letter expressing solidarity and support to the imprisoned Christian from India. Western Embassies –especially those of the US, the UK, and Canada– have been putting pressure on the Saudi government to free O’Connor.

More importantly, the contention by Saudi prosecutors that O’Connor has many foreign contacts is based on the fact that he used many post-office boxes. However, since he could not have a personal box himself he had to rely on those of friends.

With the trial finally under way, certain aspects of O’Connor’s March 25 arrest are coming to the fore showing how he was set up by the Islamic religious police.

Someone contacted O’Connor by phone saying that he was “interested in Christianity” and wanted to meet him to talk about it. After agreeing to an appointment, O’Connor left home for the meeting. He did not make it there because he was stopped by Mutawwa officers and driven away. He was brought to a mosque where he endured beatings and torture. “I was hung from the ceiling,” O’Connor told friends who visited him in prison, “and they played football with my head.”

There, he was held for 24 hours since, under Saudi law, suspects arrested by the Mutawwa can be held for “only” a day. The following day, he was taken to the Olaya prison and charged with drug use, liquor sale and preaching Christianity.

An unmarried Protestant, Brian O’Connor was employed as a luggage handler for Saudi Arabian Airlines, Saudi Arabia’s national airline company.


Persecution, prison and torture for Christians

Asia News, 9 June, 2004

21,6 million people live in Saudi Arabia. Almost all the Christians are foreigners. Catholics are just 900.000.

There is no religious freedom at all in the country. Any kind of public activity, such as possessing a Bible, wearing a crucifix or pray, is strictly forbidden. In too many cases Christians are persecuted, arrested and tortured. In April 2001 two people from the Philippines were arrested for worshipping Christ in their own house. They had to spend one month in jail after being brutally whipped. In May 2001, 11 Christians were arrested for praying together in a private house. In summer 2001, 13 Christians were arrested in Jedda, tortured ad whipped in the presence of the other prisoners. At the present moment, there are no priests in Saudi Arabia. The last one, an American priest, was forced to leave the country in 1985.

Christians constitute the biggest non-Muslim group in Saudi Arabia. They are also well organised in prayer groups and Bible studies groups, especially in the main cities such as Riyadh, Jiddah, Al Jubayl and Damman. This is why they have become the favourite target of Saudi authorities. Last October two Christians from Egypt were arrested for praying in their own house. Prince Sultan Abdul Aziz Al-Saud made some pressure on the authorities and obtained their release. Participation to Christian meetings is quite dangerous. Christians have to be extremely careful, especially when they communicate the dates and places of the meetings. Furthermore, possession of non-Muslim material, such as rosaries, crosses, Bibles, etc., leads to the arrest by the Muttawa’in, the Saudi religious police. Prohibition of professing any other religion than Islam is grounded on the belief that Saudi Arabia is holy ground. As a matter of fact, the holiness of the two cities of Mecca and Medina is extended to the rest of the country. Accusing people of preaching Christ is a common way to eliminate political dissidents.

Saudi Arabia is ruled by a hereditary monarchy which is grounded on the fundamentalist principles of Wahabi Islam. The government of the country is built on the principles of shari’ah. The Islamic law establishes the nature of the State, its goals and responsibilities, as well as its relationship with the people. Residents who are not Muslim are under the rule of the shari’ah as everybody else.

Burma - Woman 'miraculously' grows a penis

The Star, July 14, 2005, p.4

Hlaing Thar Yar, Myanmar - Chicken-seller Thin Sandarin had always dreamt of being a man.

When she inexplicably grew a penis last month, the 21-year-old treated it as an awe-inspiring omen - as have the thousands of stunned villagers who have travelled to a pagoda to see him.

"On the morning of the full moon day of June 21, I noticed my thing (sex organ) was not the same as before," Thin Sandar, who now goes by the male name Than Sein, said on Wednesday.

"And my breasts disappeared," Than Sein added. "So I called out and showed it all to my mom and dad. It was very strange."

Experts have examined him, and he awaits test results from a women's hospital.

Kobe Whores

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Oh no! Not the boobies!




“Hey guys, you really think this cardboard cut-out of Rumsfeld will fool Zarqawi?”

****

“Seriously Sir, there’s no-one here for you to torture. You shouldn’t believe everything Ted Kennedy says.”

****

“Are you feeling okay, Sir. That bull’s horn must have hurt like hell.”

****

“I’m sorry some of the guys shit in your shoes, Sir. It’s just their way of saying ‘Hi’.”

****

“Don’t worry Sir, lots of guys get the runs after their first meal here. We call it Baghdad belly.”

****

Thinks: “Uh-oh! I hope I packed my Depends.”

****

Thinks: “Now where the hell am I again? Looks like Iraq. Afghanistan? Have we invaded Iran yet? Where the hell am I?”

****

“Sir, how come I have to wear the suicide vest?”

****

“Son, I’ve been through the desert on a horse with no name,
And that’s why I’m standin’ here – my ass is in pain.”

****

“Son, if that guy posts one more smart-aleck comment on here, I want you to go Abu Ghraib on his sorry ass, and that’s an order!”

“Sir Yes Sir!”

****

“Sir . . . Uhhh . . . When you say you’re in desperate need of a hummer, do you mean . . . ?”

****

“Well, Sir, first of all we tickle them with a feather. If that doesn’t work, we turn on the Aguillera. If that doesn’t do the trick, then we get Lindsey Lohan to rub her boobies up against them.”

“Now that is downright fiendish! Hah! You know Son, I almost feel sorry for those bastards. They don’t stand a chance against The Great Satan!”

****

“Where the hell are my shoes!?”

“Don’t worry Sir. We’ve got Veronica Mars on the case!”

Kristen Bell vs. Catherine Bell

2005-07-14



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"Hey, Zubari, how come you never call me?"

"I'll do anything you want."




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So that's what Iranian women look like under those Burqas!

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"Got milk?"

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"Don't I look nice and slutty? Man, I'm sick of being such a goody-goody on that dumb TV show!"

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The Gitmo Cookbook

Now you too can dine like a Caliph, with The Gitmo Cookbook

Mooron Flashbacks - Be the first on your block to leave The Cult of The Lying Sack of Shit

Unfairenheit 9/11
By
Christopher Hitchens
Slate.com | June 22, 2004

One of the many problems with the American left, and indeed of the American left, has been its image and self-image as something rather too solemn, mirthless, herbivorous, dull, monochrome, righteous, and boring. How many times, in my old days at The Nation magazine, did I hear wistful and semienvious ruminations? Where was the radical Firing Line show? Who will be our Rush Limbaugh? I used privately to hope that the emphasis, if the comrades ever got around to it, would be on the first of those and not the second. But the meetings themselves were so mind-numbing and lugubrious that I thought the danger of success on either front was infinitely slight.

Nonetheless, it seems that an answer to this long-felt need is finally beginning to emerge. I exempt Al Franken's unintentionally funny Air America network, to which I gave a couple of interviews in its early days. There, one could hear the reassuring noise of collapsing scenery and tripped-over wires and be reminded once again that correct politics and smooth media presentation are not even distant cousins. With Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11, however, an entirely new note has been struck. Here we glimpse a possible fusion between the turgid routines of MoveOn.org and the filmic standards, if not exactly the filmic skills, of Sergei Eisenstein or Leni Riefenstahl.

To describe this film as dishonest and demagogic would almost be to promote those terms to the level of respectability. To describe this film as a piece of crap would be to run the risk of a discourse that would never again rise above the excremental. To describe it as an exercise in facile crowd-pleasing would be too obvious. Fahrenheit 9/11 is a sinister exercise in moral frivolity, crudely disguised as an exercise in seriousness. It is also a spectacle of abject political cowardice masking itself as a demonstration of "dissenting" bravery.

In late 2002, almost a year after the al-Qaida assault on American society, I had an onstage debate with Michael Moore at the Telluride Film Festival. In the course of this exchange, he stated his view that Osama Bin Laden should be considered innocent until proven guilty. This was, he said, the American way. The intervention in Afghanistan, he maintained, had been at least to that extent unjustified. Something—I cannot guess what, since we knew as much then as we do now—has since apparently persuaded Moore that Osama Bin Laden is as guilty as hell. Indeed, Osama is suddenly so guilty and so all-powerful that any other discussion of any other topic is a dangerous "distraction" from the fight against him. I believe that I understand the convenience of this late conversion.

Fahrenheit 9/11 makes the following points about Bin Laden and about Afghanistan, and makes them in this order:

1) The Bin Laden family (if not exactly Osama himself) had a close if convoluted business relationship with the Bush family, through the Carlyle Group.

2) Saudi capital in general is a very large element of foreign investment in the United States.

3) The Unocal company in Texas had been willing to discuss a gas pipeline across Afghanistan with the Taliban, as had other vested interests.

4) The Bush administration sent far too few ground troops to Afghanistan and thus allowed far too many Taliban and al-Qaida members to escape.

5) The Afghan government, in supporting the coalition in Iraq, was purely risible in that its non-army was purely American.

6) The American lives lost in Afghanistan have been wasted. (This I divine from the fact that this supposedly "antiwar" film is dedicated ruefully to all those killed there, as well as in Iraq.)

It must be evident to anyone, despite the rapid-fire way in which Moore's direction eases the audience hastily past the contradictions, that these discrepant scatter shots do not cohere at any point. Either the Saudis run U.S. policy (through family ties or overwhelming economic interest), or they do not. As allies and patrons of the Taliban regime, they either opposed Bush's removal of it, or they did not. (They opposed the removal, all right: They wouldn't even let Tony Blair land his own plane on their soil at the time of the operation.) Either we sent too many troops, or were wrong to send any at all—the latter was Moore's view as late as 2002—or we sent too few. If we were going to make sure no Taliban or al-Qaida forces survived or escaped, we would have had to be more ruthless than I suspect that Mr. Moore is really recommending.

And these are simply observations on what is "in" the film. If we turn to the facts that are deliberately left out, we discover that there is an emerging Afghan army, that the country is now a joint NATO responsibility and thus under the protection of the broadest military alliance in history, that it has a new constitution and is preparing against hellish odds to hold a general election, and that at least a million and a half of its former refugees have opted to return. I don't think a pipeline is being constructed yet, not that Afghanistan couldn't do with a pipeline. But a highway from Kabul to Kandahar—an insurance against warlordism and a condition of nation-building—is nearing completion with infinite labor and risk. We also discover that the parties of the Afghan secular left—like the parties of the Iraqi secular left—are strongly in favor of the regime change. But this is not the sort of irony in which Moore chooses to deal.

He prefers leaden sarcasm to irony and, indeed, may not appreciate the distinction. In a long and paranoid (and tedious) section at the opening of the film, he makes heavy innuendoes about the flights that took members of the Bin Laden family out of the country after Sept. 11. I banged on about this myself at the time and wrote a Nation column drawing attention to the groveling Larry King interview with the insufferable Prince Bandar, which Moore excerpts.

However, recent developments have not been kind to our Mike. In the interval between Moore's triumph at Cannes and the release of the film in the United States, the 9/11 commission has found nothing to complain of in the timing or arrangement of the flights. And Richard Clarke, Bush's former chief of counterterrorism, has come forward to say that he, and he alone, took the responsibility for authorizing those Saudi departures. This might not matter so much to the ethos of Fahrenheit 9/11, except that—as you might expect—Clarke is presented throughout as the brow-furrowed ethical hero of the entire post-9/11 moment. And it does not seem very likely that, in his open admission about the Bin Laden family evacuation, Clarke is taking a fall, or a spear in the chest, for the Bush administration. So, that's another bust for this windy and bloated cinematic "key to all mythologies."

A film that bases itself on a big lie and a big misrepresentation can only sustain itself by a dizzying succession of smaller falsehoods, beefed up by wilder and (if possible) yet more-contradictory claims. President Bush is accused of taking too many lazy vacations. (What is that about, by the way? Isn't he supposed to be an unceasing planner for future aggressive wars?) But the shot of him "relaxing at Camp David" shows him side by side with Tony Blair. I say "shows," even though this photograph is on-screen so briefly that if you sneeze or blink, you won't recognize the other figure. A meeting with the prime minister of the United Kingdom, or at least with this prime minister, is not a goof-off.

The president is also captured in a well-worn TV news clip, on a golf course, making a boilerplate response to a question on terrorism and then asking the reporters to watch his drive. Well, that's what you get if you catch the president on a golf course. If Eisenhower had done this, as he often did, it would have been presented as calm statesmanship. If Clinton had done it, as he often did, it would have shown his charm. More interesting is the moment where Bush is shown frozen on his chair at the infant school in Florida, looking stunned and useless for seven whole minutes after the news of the second plane on 9/11. Many are those who say that he should have leaped from his stool, adopted a Russell Crowe stance, and gone to work. I could even wish that myself. But if he had done any such thing then (as he did with his "Let's roll" and "dead or alive" remarks a month later), half the Michael Moore community would now be calling him a man who went to war on a hectic, crazed impulse. The other half would be saying what they already say—that he knew the attack was coming, was using it to cement himself in power, and couldn't wait to get on with his coup. This is the line taken by Gore Vidal and by a scandalous recent book that also revives the charge of FDR's collusion over Pearl Harbor. At least Moore's film should put the shameful purveyors of that last theory back in their paranoid box.

But it won't because it encourages their half-baked fantasies in so many other ways. We are introduced to Iraq, "a sovereign nation." (In fact, Iraq's "sovereignty" was heavily qualified by international sanctions, however questionable, which reflected its noncompliance with important U.N. resolutions.) In this peaceable kingdom, according to Moore's flabbergasting choice of film shots, children are flying little kites, shoppers are smiling in the sunshine, and the gentle rhythms of life are undisturbed. Then—wham! From the night sky come the terror weapons of American imperialism. Watching the clips Moore uses, and recalling them well, I can recognize various Saddam palaces and military and police centers getting the treatment. But these sites are not identified as such. In fact, I don't think Al Jazeera would, on a bad day, have transmitted anything so utterly propagandistic. You would also be led to think that the term "civilian casualty" had not even been in the Iraqi vocabulary until March 2003. I remember asking Moore at Telluride if he was or was not a pacifist. He would not give a straight answer then, and he doesn't now, either. I'll just say that the "insurgent" side is presented in this film as justifiably outraged, whereas the 30-year record of Baathist war crimes and repression and aggression is not mentioned once. (Actually, that's not quite right. It is briefly mentioned but only, and smarmily, because of the bad period when Washington preferred Saddam to the likewise unmentioned Ayatollah Khomeini.)

That this—his pro-American moment—was the worst Moore could possibly say of Saddam's depravity is further suggested by some astonishing falsifications. Moore asserts that Iraq under Saddam had never attacked or killed or even threatened (his words) any American. I never quite know whether Moore is as ignorant as he looks, or even if that would be humanly possible. Baghdad was for years the official, undisguised home address of Abu Nidal, then the most-wanted gangster in the world, who had been sentenced to death even by the PLO and had blown up airports in Munich and Rome. Baghdad was the safe house for the man whose "operation" murdered Leon Klinghoffer. Saddam boasted publicly of his financial sponsorship of suicide bombers in Israel. (Quite a few Americans of all denominations walk the streets of Jerusalem.) In 1991, a large number of Western hostages were taken by the hideous Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and held in terrible conditions for a long time. After that same invasion was repelled—Saddam having killed quite a few Americans and Egyptians and Syrians and Brits in the meantime and having threatened to kill many more—the Iraqi secret police were caught trying to murder former President Bush during his visit to Kuwait. Never mind whether his son should take that personally. (Though why should he not?) Should you and I not resent any foreign dictatorship that attempts to kill one of our retired chief executives? (President Clinton certainly took it that way: He ordered the destruction by cruise missiles of the Baathist "security" headquarters.) Iraqi forces fired, every day, for 10 years, on the aircraft that patrolled the no-fly zones and staved off further genocide in the north and south of the country.

In 1993, a certain Mr. Yasin helped mix the chemicals for the bomb at the World Trade Center and then skipped to Iraq, where he remained a guest of the state until the overthrow of Saddam. In 2001, Saddam's regime was the only one in the region that openly celebrated the attacks on New York and Washington and described them as just the beginning of a larger revenge. Its official media regularly spewed out a stream of anti-Semitic incitement. I think one might describe that as "threatening," even if one was narrow enough to think that anti-Semitism only menaces Jews. And it was after, and not before, the 9/11 attacks that Abu Mussab al-Zarqawi moved from Afghanistan to Baghdad and began to plan his now very open and lethal design for a holy and ethnic civil war. On Dec. 1, 2003, the New York Times reported—and the David Kay report had established—that Saddam had been secretly negotiating with the "Dear Leader" Kim Jong-il in a series of secret meetings in Syria, as late as the spring of 2003, to buy a North Korean missile system, and missile-production system, right off the shelf. (This attempt was not uncovered until after the fall of Baghdad, the coalition's presence having meanwhile put an end to the negotiations.)

Thus, in spite of the film's loaded bias against the work of the mind, you can grasp even while watching it that Michael Moore has just said, in so many words, the one thing that no reflective or informed person can possibly believe: that Saddam Hussein was no problem. No problem at all. Now look again at the facts I have cited above. If these things had been allowed to happen under any other administration, you can be sure that Moore and others would now glibly be accusing the president of ignoring, or of having ignored, some fairly unmistakable "warnings."

The same "let's have it both ways" opportunism infects his treatment of another very serious subject, namely domestic counterterrorist policy. From being accused of overlooking too many warnings—not exactly an original point—the administration is now lavishly taunted for issuing too many. (Would there not have been "fear" if the harbingers of 9/11 had been taken seriously?) We are shown some American civilians who have had absurd encounters with idiotic "security" staff. (Have you ever met anyone who can't tell such a story?) Then we are immediately shown underfunded police departments that don't have the means or the manpower to do any stop-and-search: a power suddenly demanded by Moore on their behalf that we know by definition would at least lead to some ridiculous interrogations. Finally, Moore complains that there isn't enough intrusion and confiscation at airports and says that it is appalling that every air traveler is not forcibly relieved of all matches and lighters. (Cue mood music for sinister influence of Big Tobacco.) So—he wants even more pocket-rummaging by airport officials? Uh, no, not exactly. But by this stage, who's counting? Moore is having it three ways and asserting everything and nothing. Again—simply not serious.

Circling back to where we began, why did Moore's evil Saudis not join "the Coalition of the Willing"? Why instead did they force the United States to switch its regional military headquarters to Qatar? If the Bush family and the al-Saud dynasty live in each other's pockets, as is alleged in a sort of vulgar sub-Brechtian scene with Arab headdresses replacing top hats, then how come the most reactionary regime in the region has been powerless to stop Bush from demolishing its clone in Kabul and its buffer regime in Baghdad? The Saudis hate, as they did in 1991, the idea that Iraq's recuperated oil industry might challenge their near-monopoly. They fear the liberation of the Shiite Muslims they so despise. To make these elementary points is to collapse the whole pathetic edifice of the film's "theory." Perhaps Moore prefers the pro-Saudi Kissinger/Scowcroft plan for the Middle East, where stability trumps every other consideration and where one dare not upset the local house of cards, or killing-field of Kurds? This would be a strange position for a purported radical. Then again, perhaps he does not take this conservative line because his real pitch is not to any audience member with a serious interest in foreign policy. It is to the provincial isolationist.

I have already said that Moore's film has the staunch courage to mock Bush for his verbal infelicity. Yet it's much, much braver than that. From Fahrenheit 9/11 you can glean even more astounding and hidden disclosures, such as the capitalist nature of American society, the existence of Eisenhower's "military-industrial complex," and the use of "spin" in the presentation of our politicians. It's high time someone had the nerve to point this out. There's more. Poor people often volunteer to join the army, and some of them are duskier than others. Betcha didn't know that. Back in Flint, Mich., Moore feels on safe ground. There are no martyred rabbits this time. Instead, it's the poor and black who shoulder the packs and rifles and march away. I won't dwell on the fact that black Americans have fought for almost a century and a half, from insisting on their right to join the U.S. Army and fight in the Civil War to the right to have a desegregated Army that set the pace for post-1945 civil rights.

I'll merely ask this: In the film, Moore says loudly and repeatedly that not enough troops were sent to garrison Afghanistan and Iraq. (This is now a favorite cleverness of those who were, in the first place, against sending any soldiers at all.) Well, where does he think those needful heroes and heroines would have come from? Does he favor a draft—the most statist and oppressive solution? Does he think that only hapless and gullible proles sign up for the Marines? Does he think—as he seems to suggest—that parents can "send" their children, as he stupidly asks elected members of Congress to do? Would he have abandoned Gettysburg because the Union allowed civilians to pay proxies to serve in their place? Would he have supported the antidraft (and very antiblack) riots against Lincoln in New York? After a point, one realizes that it's a waste of time asking him questions of this sort. It would be too much like taking him seriously. He'll just try anything once and see if it floats or flies or gets a cheer.

Indeed, Moore's affected and ostentatious concern for black America is one of the most suspect ingredients of his pitch package. In a recent interview, he yelled that if the hijacked civilians of 9/11 had been black, they would have fought back, unlike the stupid and presumably cowardly white men and women (and children). Never mind for now how many black passengers were on those planes—we happen to know what Moore does not care to mention: that Todd Beamer and a few of his co-passengers, shouting "Let's roll," rammed the hijackers with a trolley, fought them tooth and nail, and helped bring down a United Airlines plane, in Pennsylvania, that was speeding toward either the White House or the Capitol. There are no words for real, impromptu bravery like that, which helped save our republic from worse than actually befell. The Pennsylvania drama also reminds one of the self-evident fact that this war is not fought only "overseas" or in uniform, but is being brought to our cities. Yet Moore is a silly and shady man who does not recognize courage of any sort even when he sees it because he cannot summon it in himself. To him, easy applause, in front of credulous audiences, is everything.

Moore has announced that he won't even appear on TV shows where he might face hostile questioning. I notice from the New York Times of June 20 that he has pompously established a rapid response team, and a fact-checking staff, and some tough lawyers, to bulwark himself against attack. He'll sue, Moore says, if anyone insults him or his pet. Some right-wing hack groups, I gather, are planning to bring pressure on their local movie theaters to drop the film. How dumb or thuggish do you have to be in order to counter one form of stupidity and cowardice with another? By all means go and see this terrible film, and take your friends, and if the fools in the audience strike up one cry, in favor of surrender or defeat, feel free to join in the conversation.

However, I think we can agree that the film is so flat-out phony that "fact-checking" is beside the point. And as for the scary lawyers—get a life, or maybe see me in court. But I offer this, to Moore and to his rapid response rabble. Any time, Michael my boy. Let's redo Telluride. Any show. Any place. Any platform. Let's see what you're made of.

Some people soothingly say that one should relax about all this. It's only a movie. No biggie. It's no worse than the tomfoolery of Oliver Stone. It's kick-ass entertainment. It might even help get out "the youth vote." Yeah, well, I have myself written and presented about a dozen low-budget made-for-TV documentaries, on subjects as various as Mother Teresa and Bill Clinton and the Cyprus crisis, and I also helped produce a slightly more polished one on Henry Kissinger that was shown in movie theaters. So I know, thanks, before you tell me, that a documentary must have a "POV" or point of view and that it must also impose a narrative line. But if you leave out absolutely everything that might give your "narrative" a problem and throw in any old rubbish that might support it, and you don't even care that one bit of that rubbish flatly contradicts the next bit, and you give no chance to those who might differ, then you have betrayed your craft. If you flatter and fawn upon your potential audience, I might add, you are patronizing them and insulting them. By the same token, if I write an article and I quote somebody and for space reasons put in an ellipsis like this (…), I swear on my children that I am not leaving out anything that, if quoted in full, would alter the original meaning or its significance. Those who violate this pact with readers or viewers are to be despised. At no point does Michael Moore make the smallest effort to be objective. At no moment does he pass up the chance of a cheap sneer or a jeer. He pitilessly focuses his camera, for minutes after he should have turned it off, on a distraught and bereaved mother whose grief we have already shared. (But then, this is the guy who thought it so clever and amusing to catch Charlton Heston, in Bowling for Columbine, at the onset of his senile dementia.) Such courage.

Perhaps vaguely aware that his movie so completely lacks gravitas, Moore concludes with a sonorous reading of some words from George Orwell. The words are taken from 1984 and consist of a third-person analysis of a hypothetical, endless, and contrived war between three superpowers. The clear intention, as clumsily excerpted like this (...) is to suggest that there is no moral distinction between the United States, the Taliban, and the Baath Party and that the war against jihad is about nothing. If Moore had studied a bit more, or at all, he could have read Orwell really saying, and in his own voice, the following:

The majority of pacifists either belong to obscure religious sects or are simply humanitarians who object to taking life and prefer not to follow their thoughts beyond that point. But there is a minority of intellectual pacifists, whose real though unacknowledged motive appears to be hatred of western democracy and admiration for totalitarianism. Pacifist propaganda usually boils down to saying that one side is as bad as the other, but if one looks closely at the writing of the younger intellectual pacifists, one finds that they do not by any means express impartial disapproval but are directed almost entirely against Britain and the United States …

And that's just from Orwell's Notes on Nationalism in May 1945. A short word of advice: In general, it's highly unwise to quote Orwell if you are already way out of your depth on the question of moral equivalence. It's also incautious to remind people of Orwell if you are engaged in a sophomoric celluloid rewriting of recent history.

If Michael Moore had had his way, Slobodan Milosevic would still be the big man in a starved and tyrannical Serbia. Bosnia and Kosovo would have been cleansed and annexed. If Michael Moore had been listened to, Afghanistan would still be under Taliban rule, and Kuwait would have remained part of Iraq. And Iraq itself would still be the personal property of a psychopathic crime family, bargaining covertly with the slave state of North Korea for WMD. You might hope that a retrospective awareness of this kind would induce a little modesty. To the contrary, it is employed to pump air into one of the great sagging blimps of our sorry, mediocre, celeb-rotten culture. Rock the vote, indeed.

Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair. His latest book, Blood, Class and Empire: The Enduring Anglo-American Relationship, is out in paperback.

Moore is a liar


The Fraud "From Flint"
By
Lowell Ponte
FrontPageMagazine.com
| January 31, 2005

MICHAEL MOORE AND HIS AGITPROP FILM FAHRENHEIT 9/11 were nowhere to be found on the lists of Academy Awards nominees released last week. And despite his commercial success, the Writers Guild omitted Moore from consideration for its first list of documentary writing award nominees. The only award Moore received was from a gun rights group highlighting his hypocrisy after a bodyguard for this maker of the 2003 Academy Award-winning anti-gun Bowling for Columbine got arrested in New York City for carrying a handgun not licensed there.

Hypocrisy is nothing new for Michael Moore, nor the Hollywood Left. But Hollywood makes its money by anticipating which way the winds are blowing. By distancing itself from this self-aggrandizing egomaniac, Tinsel Town may be signaling that America’s cultural winds are shifting away from the Loony Left.

So who is Michael Moore, this multi-millionaire filmmaker and author of several books, who has been called “the Left’s only well-known shock jock,” compared by Christopher Hitchens to socialist Adolf Hitler’s film propagandist Leni Riefenstahl?

Michael Moore is his own fictional character, a self-written being who soon will require another rewrite if his lucrative fantasy career is to survive.

Moore’s production company, aptly named, is Dog Eat Dog Films. His agent Ariel “Ari” Emanuel is brother of Congressman Rahm Emanuel, D-IL, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and a former White House operative for President Bill Clinton.

Michael Moore never was a “working class boy from Flint, Michigan,” as he pretends. He was born on April 23, 1954, in Davison, Michigan, a lily-white upper-middle class suburb 10 miles east of Flint, where his father Frank assembled AC spark plugs, and his mother was a clerk-secretary for General Motors (GM).

For a few decades following World War II, America’s global power (relative to war-shattered Europe and Japan) and the benefits provided to employees by GM and the United Auto Workers (UAW) union made life pleasant.

Moore’s parents enjoyed ample income, free medical and dental care, four weeks of paid vacation each year, and had two cars in their well-to-do Davison home. Moore’s Irish-American father had spent workday afternoons playing golf. After he retired at age 53 with a full pension, he enjoyed a life of ease, golf and volunteer work at the local Roman Catholic church.

Moore and his two younger sisters “were raised in what amounted to a mini-welfare state, where powerful unions took care of most of their members’ basic needs, right down to prescription eyeglasses,” wrote Ella Taylor in 2004 in the left-wing newspaper L.A. Weekly. “No wonder there’s so much fellow feeling between Moore and Canada, which has socialized medicine, not to mention Europe, where he is hugely popular.”

After eighth grade Moore enrolled in a Catholic pre-seminary. “He admired the Berrigan brothers [radical anti-Vietnam War Catholic priests] and thought that the priesthood was the way to effect social change,” wrote The New Yorker’s Larissa MacFarquhar in February 2004. “This resolve lasted only through his first year, though, after the Detroit Tigers made it to the World Series for the first time in Moore’s life, and the seminary wouldn’t allow him to watch the games.”

Returning to school, at age 16, Moore gave a speech in a local contest in which he condemned the Elks Club for barring blacks. He won not only the contest prize but also a first intoxicating, glory-addicting taste of fame as media reported his fledgling political activism. CBS called to ask about his views. He soon sought more attention with an Eagle Scout award-winning slide show accusing what Moore called the worst polluters in his town. He was learning that the road to fame was a harsh accusation against some established conservative group or company that, if it fit the liberal political template, would be accepted without question by the liberal media.

At age 17, he saw what remains Moore’s favorite film, A Clockwork Orange, a depiction of futuristic street bully “ultraviolence,” rape, and brainwashing, by Moore’s still-favorite director, Stanley Kubrick.

At 18, Moore ran for city school board on a simple platform: “Fire the Principal.” He won. The principal, who had been kind to Moore as a child, resigned and died soon thereafter of a heart attack. Meanwhile, Moore reveled in the nationwide publicity he received for becoming America’s youngest elected city official.

Moore began studies at the local campus of the University of Michigan but soon dropped out. He was given a job on the GM assembly line but “called in sick the first day and never went back,” which is the closest Moore ever came to being part of the working class. He became a local hippie, host of a Sunday morning radio show he called “Radio Free Flint,” and honed his skills at getting on local TV news by staging whatever protests would attract the media attention he craved.

In 1976, at age 22, Moore created a small leftist newspaper, the Flint Voice (later called the Michigan Voice), which he edited for 10 years. This position gave him access to left-wing activists, fundraisers like singer Harry “Cat’s in the Cradle” Chapin, and the opportunity to do occasional commentaries for the National Public Radio (NPR) show “All Things Considered.”

Michigan was a hotbed of student radicalism. The radical Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) held their first meeting in 1960 in Ann Arbor, 50 miles south of Flint, and the SDS manifesto The Port Huron Statement was signed in 1962 in that Michigan town, only 64 miles east of Flint. Moore remained involved in leftist politics at the University of Michigan and elsewhere in the state. “Moore was interested in the usual lefty international issues of the time,” wrote MacFarquhar. “He travelled to Nicaragua in 1983 to check out the Sandinistas.”

In 1986, because of his growing reputation as a hotshot left-wing journalist, Moore was hired as editor of the San Francisco-based socialist magazine Mother Jones, beating out its Managing Editor David Talbot (who later founded and continues to edit the left-wing webzine Salon.com). Four months later, the magazine fired Moore. Adam Hochschild, chairman of the foundation that owns Mother Jones, described Moore as “arbitrary; he was suspicious; he was unavailable.” Moore’s high-handed bullying and authoritarian arrogance had alienated most staff members. And Moore had refused to publish a piece by veteran leftist writer Paul Berman because it mildly criticized the human rights record of Nicaragua’s Fidel Castro-allied Communist Sandinistas. One of America’s farthest Left magazines fired Michael Moore because, among other reasons, he was too far-Left for it.

Moore, using what have become his familiar tactics, responded by staging a media-grabbing public demonstration, by going on a Bay Area radio show to accuse Berman (as MacFarquhar described) “of being a traitor to the left and giving aid and comfort to [President Ronald] Reagan,” and by suing Mother Jones for $2 million. Moore eventually pocketed $58,000 from its tax-exempt Foundation for National Progress, which became seed money for his first “documentary.” Roger & Me, an agitprop assault on General Motors, its chief executive Roger Smith and its recent worker layoffs in Flint, launched Moore into stardom.

A key influence shaping Moore’s mind and values were stories of his uncle (via Moore’s 1982 marriage) Laverne, who at a seminal moment in labor history in 1936-37 had taken part in the 44-day sit-in at a General Motors factory in Flint. This illegal hostage-taking of private property, an act of urban terrorism tacitly approved by Democratic President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, ended with GM accepting representation for its workers by the new United Auto Workers (UAW) union. The UAW had been founded in 1935 as a radical ideological union eager to use more revolutionary, confrontational tactics than had the American Federation of Labor (AFL).

The UAW organizer of the Flint sit-in was Walter Reuther, later to serve 25 years as UAW President. Reuther, the West Virginia-born son of a German socialist, had supported Socialist Party candidate Norman Thomas (grandfather of Newsweek Magazine’s Assistant Managing Editor Evan Thomas) for President. During the years 1933-35, Reuther and his brother Victor spent time abroad, including more than 18 months working at the Gorki automobile factory in Josef Stalin’s totalitarian Communist Soviet Union. Returning to the U.S. in 1935, Reuther immediately put into practice the ideology and tactics he had learned first-hand from Soviet Stalinists.

Reuther as UAW head during World War II, when the U.S. and Soviet Union were allies fighting against socialist Adolf Hitler, kept workers producing weapons at top efficiency. Any talk of sit-ins, strikes or work slowdowns was suppressed. Reuther later repudiated Communism and the Soviet Union, and returned to his socialist ideas. But the Marxist-Stalinist-tinged ideological radicalism of the 1936-37 Flint sit-in would become the magical moment and place where America’s modern labor movement was born, a once-and-future garden of socialist utopian Eden in the imagination of Michael Moore.

After Moore was fired by Mother Jones, he was rescued from near-destitution by another critic of GM, Ralph Nader, author of the seminal bible of anti-business consumer activism, Unsafe At Any Speed. Nader paid Moore to edit a media-criticizing newsletter. Moore soon lost this job too. The reason, according to Nader, is that Moore spent most of his time away in Flint instead of writing the newsletter. According to Moore (who routinely trashes those who disagree with him), Nader was jealous that a publisher had paid Moore an advance of almost $50,000 for a book (that in the end Moore never completed) about General Motors.

After completing Roger & Me, Moore at the Telluride Film Festival tracked down Roger Ebert, movie critic for the Chicago Sun-Times and (then) for the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). Ebert is a liberal who almost without exception gives big thumbs-up approval to any movie that is left-wing, politically correct or criticizes America; Moore’s fact-bending documentary was all three. Rave reviews from Ebert launched Moore on a high trajectory to wealth and superstardom. Thanks to Ebert’s support, Moore sold his documentary to Warner Brothers in 1989 for an unprecedented $3 million.

(During the 2004 political campaign, Ebert repeatedly used his television show [now syndicated by the Walt Disney Company’s Buena Vista division, a potential conflict of interest Ebert seldom mentions to viewers] to promote Moore’s propaganda film Fahrenheit 9/11. Ebert promised viewers that he would give comparable airtime to reviewing any similar documentary done by conservatives but, of course, he never did, despite the availability of such fine documentaries as FahrenHYPE 9/11, partly funded by former Clinton political advisor Dick Morris.)

Hollywood came courting, and in 1995 Moore gave birth to Canadian Bacon, his only non-documentary movie (unless one counts his music videos for groups such as Rage Against the Machine and R.E.M.). Its fictional plot centers on a President of the United States who boosts his popularity by engineering a war with Canada. Corpulent comedian John Candy died while filming it, delaying the film’s completion and release date. It died at the box office. Moore said he was sabotaged by the studio PolyGram because it is “owned by Philips of the Netherlands, makers of weapons.” (Moore always finds ways, however absurd, to blame others for his failures.)

Moore then directed and hosted his own television show TV Nation, a provocative and uneven magazine show. Nine episodes aired on NBC in 1994, and 8 episodes aired on FOX in 1995. It died twice for lack of viewers.

What happened behind the scenes at TV Nation gives a glimpse of the real Michael Moore. “He disliked sharing credit with his writers” like Merrill Markoe, wrote MacFarquhar. And he disliked sharing money, as well.

When two of the show’s young writers, who had been given the title Associate Producer, took steps to join the Writers Guild (the powerful union for movie and TV writers), Moore took them aside. “I’m getting a lot of heat from the union to call you guys writers and pay you under the union rules,” Eric Zicklin recounted Moore’s words for MacFarquhar. “I don’t have the budget for that,” Moore threatened them, “But if they keep coming down on me that’ll mean I’ll only be able to afford one of you and the other one’s gotta go.”

We were scared out of our minds,” recalled Zicklin. “It was like a theme from Roger & Me” with Moore as the unfeeling, anti-union boss.

I can’t accept [Moore] as a political person,” another TV Nation employee told MacFarquhar. “I can’t buy into this thing of Michael Moore is on your side – it’s like trying to believe that Justin Timberlake is a soulful guy. It’s a media product: he’s just selling me something. For the preservation of my own soul I have to consider him just an entertainer, because otherwise he’s a huge a--hole. If you consider him an entertainer, then his acting like a selfish, self-absorbed, pouty, deeply conflicted, easily wounded child is run-of-the-mill, standard behavior. But if he’s a political force, then he’s a jerk and a hypocrite and he didn’t treat us right and he was false in all his dealings.”

I can’t go to his movies, and I can’t hold his books for very long,” Chris Kelly, who worked on TV Nation and Canadian Bacon told MacFarquhar. “When he started writing his column for The Nation, I cancelled my subscription. He broke my heart. That’s what he does to people.” Other employees have described Moore as a boss who created working conditions that resembled a “sweatshop” and “indentured servitude.”

Moore has apologized in vague terms to Kelly and Markoe, but he denies any other improper behavior. Other witnesses recall that Moore, a self-proclaimed champion of the proletariat, repeatedly tried to deny TV Nation writers payments, credits, and residuals for their work – and that the Guild intervened repeatedly in complaints against him.

(Moore hated President Ronald Reagan, even though Reagan was the first and only former union leader (head of the Screen Actors Guild, SAG) to become president of the United States.)

He was the most difficult human being I’ve ever met,” his former Hollywood manager Douglas Urbanski told the Times of London. “There was no one who even came close.”

Moore struggled to stay on television with The Awful Truth (1999-2000), a satire show jointly produced by the cable channel Bravo and Britain’s Channel 4, and Michael Moore Live (1999), which broadcast from New York City but aired only in the United Kingdom.

He also created The Big One, a documentary of the tour for his 1996 book Downsize This! Threats from an Unarmed American (Perennial/Harper). One common thread in Moore’s documentaries is that they all star, and are designed to glorify, Michael Moore.

In 2002, Moore’s anti-gun documentary Bowling for Columbine reached theaters. His depiction of America as a gun-crazed violent culture was honored at the Cannes Film Festival in France and won the 2003 Academy Award for Documentary Feature, despite growing evidence that much that was “documented” in it as fact had been staged, concocted, or dishonestly and deceptively edited by Moore.

The sincerity of Moore’s anti-gun outrage became clear in January 2005 when one of his own bodyguards was arrested in New York City for possession of an unregistered handgun. The hypocritical Michael Moore is not leading the way to utopia by his example.

We like nonfiction and we live in fictitious times,” Moore told a worldwide audience in his speech accepting his Academy Award for Bowling for Columbine. “We live in a time where we have a man sending us to war for fictitious reasons. Whether it’s the fictition [sic.] of duct tape or fictition [sic.] of orange alerts, we are against this war [in Iraq], Mr. Bush. Shame on you, Mr. Bush. Shame on you.”

But, in fact, much of Moore’s documentary turned out to be “fictition.” The “weapon” plant he photographed in Colorado manufactures weather satellites, not weapons. The clips he included of National Rifle Association President Charleton Heston had been edited together from several speeches given months apart so as to create a dishonest collage of sentences. The rifle Moore claimed to have walked out of a bank with as his reward for opening an account was a staged event that for real customers involves a six-week clearance process. Even the title Bowling for Columbine derived from a false claim that two adolescents who went on a fatal shooting spree had gone bowling that morning. They had not.

Similar deceptions and falsehoods can be found in all of Moore’s so-called documentaries. How does he get away with this again and again? One answer is that the establishment media shares Moore’s left-of-center ideology, and because most reporters and reviewers agree with his aim. Since they share his conclusions, they express few quibbles over how he got there. They regard Moore as right even when his methods are wrong. One New York Times reporter likened Moore’s work to editorial cartoons, which are designed not to be accurate so much as to sell a point of view by distorting reality. Those who share Moore’s leftist agenda and, e.g., favor ever-more gun control, will applaud Moore’s editorial cartoon Bowling for Columbine.

I don’t believe in objectivity,” Moore has said, speaking the intellectually fashionable language of post-modern deconstructionism. “I don’t believe that any newspaper’s objective. I believe there’s subjectivity in every article, and where every article is placed. We’re human beings, we’re subjective animals, we’re not machines…It’s all personal.” Or, as reviewer Roger Ebert admitted, “Moore has granted himself poetic license.”

When caught committing falsehoods, Moore has demurred that he is a mere entertainer, a spinner of tales, jokes, and opinions who should never be held to the ethical and accuracy standards of a responsible reporter or historian. When Lou Dobbs of CNN pressed about his inaccuracies in one book, Moore dismissed Dobbs’ questions by saying: “You know, look, this is a book of political humor…How can there be inaccuracy in comedy?” To deflect another questioner, Moore declared ambiguously that Roger & Me was not a documentary but “an entertaining movie, like Sophie’s Choice.”

If Moore gets the tone just right, he can reach the widest possible audience,” wrote MacFarquhar. “The conspiracy nuts will take him seriously and appreciate his insight, while everyone else will think he’s joking and appreciate his humor. Every leftist political figure with mainstream aspirations must have a fruitcake technique – a way to retain a hold on the passionate fringe without losing the center – and Moore is very effective.”

When criticized, Moore has often accused his critics of trying to censor a free press, as if he were delivering honest, ethical journalism rather than lies for laughs and manipulative political agitprop. He wants it both ways – to be able to exercise the irresponsibility of a comic but to have his statements taken seriously and to influence votes and policies.

In 2004, Moore declared himself a victim of censorship by the Walt Disney Corporation, which he accused of suddenly, for political reasons, blocking the release of his latest documentary, Fahrenheit 9/11. The company’s Miramax Films division had spent $6 million to produce the film.

Moore later admitted that Disney a year earlier had told him it would not release his film. This partisan attack on incumbent President Bush during the 2004 election campaign could damage the company’s reputation with moviegoers. Moore had lied about this, claiming censorship days before the Cannes Film Festival as a publicity stunt to gain attention and sympathy.

Moore’s deceitful stunt worked. Fahrenheit 9/11 won the highest award at Cannes from a panel of leftward judges headed by director Quentin Tarantino. The applause continued for 13 minutes. One Finnish critic praised Moore’s “almost Shakespearean sense of absurdity.” But famed French director Jean-Luc Godard dismissed Moore as “halfway intelligent…He doesn’t know what he’s doing.”

At one level the renowned film critic Richard Schickel slightly disagrees with Godard. Moore is “careless with his facts, hysterical in debate and, most basically, a guy trying to make a star out of himself,” Schickel told The Times of London in 2003. “He’s a self-aggrandizer and, perhaps, the very definition of the current literary term, ‘the unreliable narrator.’ This guy either can’t or won’t stick to the point, build a logical case for his arguments. It’s all hysteria – but, I think, calculated hysteria.”

As might secretly have been arranged many months in advance, Fahrenheit 9/11, whose title Moore stole from science fiction writer Ray Bradbury’s classic novel Fahrenheit 451, was distributed by Lion’s Gate Films. (Bradbury wasn’t pleased.) Moore’s film grossed more than $100 million at the box office.

How credible is Fahrenheit 9/11? “Even if one agrees with all of Moore’s arguments,” wrote one reviewer for the Hollywood Reporter, “the film reduces decades of American foreign-policy failures to a black-and-white cartoon that lays the blame on one family. He ignores facts like the policy to arm and support Afghan rebels that began in the Carter administration. For that matter, the Clinton team never mounted a serious effort to go after al-Qaida even after the 1998 embassy bombings in East Africa.”

Like other Moore documentaries, Fahrenheit 9/11 was packed with lies and calculated distortions, riddled with more holes than substance. To cite just two of these widely documented holes: Moore’s film depicted as a “headline” from an Illinois newspaper the words “Latest Florida Recount Shows Gore Won Election.” But, as Moore knew, these words actually appeared, not above a news report, but atop a Letter to the Editor and reflected only that one reader’s (misguided) opinion.

One of Moore’s biggest claims in his film was that members of Saudi Arabia’s bin Laden family (in which Osama is one of 53 children, a disowned black sheep born not to the patriarch’s wives but to a concubine) had been allowed by Bush to fly out of the U.S. unquestioned only hours after 9/11. In fact, they did not leave for at least six days, after being questioned by the FBI, and permission for their departure was given without any outside prompting solely by Bush critic and Clinton administration White House counter-terrorism holdover Richard Clarke, as Clarke himself admitted.

Hollywood knew that Moore’s made-up film was intended to maim the Republican president’s reelection during the 2004 campaign. Moore’s crude, unethical weapon failed; Bush won, and Hollywood promptly distanced itself from Moore.

At the 2004 Democratic National Convention, however, Moore was treated like royalty and given a seat of honor at the side of former President Carter in his presidential box. (Mr. Carter’s toppling of America’s ally the Shah of Iran precipitated the Iran-Iraq War, the military buildup of Saddam Hussein, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan that empowered Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, led to the oppression of millions of women, and opened a Pandora’s Box of other problems, including America’s incursion into Iraq. But Moore was proud to sit next to the failed Democrat president.)

Democratic leaders such as then-Senator Tom Daschle of South Dakota embraced him and joined other prominent Democrats at the premier of Moore’s documentary. Moore was invited to write columns from the conventions for USA Today. Propaganda and the Left had carried Michael Moore a long way from “Flint, Michigan.”

But the Kerry campaign was aware of Moore’s mercurial, unstable nature and tried to hold him at arm’s length. “I can’t speak for every extremist out there,” said Kerry campaign spokesman Chad Clanton during a Westwood One radio interview on July 24, 2004. “Michael Moore – these people aren’t part of the Kerry campaign.”

Kerry’s advisors had watched Moore endorse primary candidate General Wesley Clark, then almost destroy Clark by blurting out that President Bush had been a “deserter.” (They also remembered that Moore had in past years endorsed Ralph Nader and proposed that TV host Oprah Winfrey and liberal actor Tom Hanks run for president.) They remembered Moore’s 2003 assertion on NBC’s Today Show that “Guns don’t kill people, Americans kill people.” Who knew how loony Moore might get, or when he might explode, blowing up any candidate who stood too close with him?

How far Left is Michael Moore? “Capitalism is a sin,” said Moore on the CNN talk show Crossfire in 2002. “This is an evil system.”

In his book Downsize This! Moore proposed several laws he believes should be imposed to “protect ourselves” from capitalist corporations. His utopia would “Prohibit corporations from closing a profitable factory or business and moving it overseas. If they close a business and move it within the U.S., they must pay reparations to the community they are leaving behind.” He argued that any breakup of the “‘marriage’ between a company and a community” ought to involve “serious alimony to pay” if a “corporation packs up and leaves.” Moore would also “Prohibit companies from pitting one state or city against another” by locating where the best tax rates and other government inducements are offered.

But as the Drudge Report revealed on April 22, 2004, Michael Moore himself rejected American companies and workers by outsourcing the design and hosting of his own website to two Canadian companies. Canadians “are just like us – only better,” honorary Canadian Moore told a “Take Back America” rally of the far-Left Campaign for America’s Future (CAF), held in conjunction with the 2004 Democratic National Convention in Boston. “We love Canadians,” he has said elsewhere. “We all aspire to be more Canada-like….And thank you, Canada, for not joining the coalition of the bribed and coerced,” said Moore, using the diplomatically insane phrase about faithful American allies by Democratic presidential aspirant Sen. John F. Kerry of Massachusetts.

(Moore could have been arrested in his beloved Canada because while promoting his movie in Toronto in June 2004, he urged Canadians to vote against the conservative candidate for Prime Minister. It is a crime in Canada for foreigners to “during an election period, in any way induce electors to vote or refrain from voting…for a particular candidate.”)

In Downsize This!, Moore proposed to “Institute a 100 percent tax on any profits gained by shareholders when the company’s stock goes up due to an announcement of firings. No one should be allowed to profit from such bad news.” He would also “Prohibit executives’ salaries from being more than thirty times greater than an average employee’s pay” and would “Require boards of directors of publicly owned corporations to have representation from both workers and consumers.”

If Moore despises Big Business, giant corporations and chain superstores, how does he feel about small business like the local mom-and-pop shop? “You know in my town the small businesses that everyone wanted to protect?” he told a reporter from the Arcata Eye in 2002. “They were the people that supported all the right-wing groups. They were the Republicans in town, they were in Kiwanis, the Chamber of Commerce – people that kept the town all white. The small hardware salesman, the small clothing store sales persons, Jesse the Barber who signed his name three different times on three different petitions to recall me from the school board. F**k all these small businesses – f**k ‘em all,” said Moore. “Bring in the chains.”

Moore’s economic authoritarianism – strikingly similar to the policies of Hitler and Italian fascist Benito Mussolini – is, of course, megalomaniacal and insane. Moore’s ideas come from his myopic and shallow understanding of history and economics.

Moore’s claptrap populism is a form of economic suicide. To understand why, imagine that you are an investor deciding where to build a factory to manufacture a new technology. Would you choose to locate it in a city, state or country governed by those holding Michael Moore’s ideology of property expropriation? This is why investment and opportunity are fleeing the Democrat-dominated Rust Belt for freer places – and why in the long run Michael Moore will be unable to prevent this economic migration towards freedom.

Moore, incidentally, showed little “Buy American” patriotism for the GM cars his father, mother, uncle, and grandfather helped build. “When I became an adult, I decided I didn’t want a General Motors car,” wrote Moore in his 2002 book Stupid White Men…And Other Sorry Excuses for the State of the Nation! (Regan Books), “mainly because they broke down more often than I did. So I bought Volkswagens and Hondas and drove around town with pride.” Moore, therefore, helped turn Flint into a Rust Belt city. No wonder they love Moore in Germany, where he appeared before cheering crowds in a brown jacket.

This same quest for opportunity and freedom is what brought most Americans’ ancestors (including Moore’s) here. This is one of the things Michael Moore hates most about America. Most of our ancestors were fleeing the residue of feudalism that continues in Europe. Feudalism is akin to Moore’s silly “marriage” analogy, which by logical extension would prohibit not only the company from leaving its workers but also the workers from leaving the company. Such was the bondage of vassals under feudal society, which Moore apparently prefers to liberty.

For thinking people, history has now demonstrated the stupidity of such feudal-socialist ideas. To understand why, consider one of the few missteps of President Ronald Reagan when he jawboned the Japanese into limiting the number of automobiles they exported to the U.S. Restricting this competition saved some UAW jobs in Michigan, at a cost experts pegged at $600,000 per job and an extra $2,000 higher pricetag on new cars passed on to working Americans. It would have been far cheaper to lay Flint union workers off and give each $50,000 per year for a decade.

But worse, companies such as Toyota, with their number of exports limited, sent to America expensive, gas-guzzling Cressidas. This made America more dependent on foreign oil, more vulnerable to the politics of Iraq and Saudi Arabia, and more pressed to intervene militarily in foreign lands to maintain stability. And all this happened because leftist demagogues like Michael Moore blocked the drilling of new oil wells in America while demanding protection for America’s overpriced, uncompetitive union jobs. Political tampering with the marketplace always produces unintended consequences. And among the worst of such consequences are yet more laws and regulations to remedy the mess politicians caused by their tampering in the first place.

Horatio Alger must die!” wrote Michael Moore in his 2003 book Dude, Where’s My Country? (Warner Books). “We’re addicted to this happy myth,” wrote Moore, “…that anyone can make it in America, and make it big…Listen, friends, you have to face the truth: You are never going to be rich…The system is rigged in favor of the few, and your name is not among them, not now and not ever.”

Those who become millionaires, Moore wrote, are “about one in a million.” If he is right, then America with a population of 295 million would have only 295 millionaires. But America has literally millions of citizens whose net worth in real estate and savings exceed $1 million. The average American family earns more than $1 million over its working life and could save much of that if Democrats like Michael Moore were not confiscating half their earnings in direct and hidden taxes.

But it would be far better, Moore apparently believes, if the American Dream died and people accepted their politically-determined place in a socialist-run system – where the capitalists will all eventually be expropriated by regulations and taxes, private property and “inequality” will vanish, and all jobs will become unionized government jobs. (Moore refused to see the “new class” of aristocratic rulers that arose under Soviet, Chinese and Cuban Communism, where power became the coin of the realm, determining who got the limousines and luxury dachas on the Black Sea, Beijing, and Havana.)

Michael Moore’s mentality was perfectly anticipated by the late Longshoreman philosopher Eric Hoffer, who wrote that if you ask a leftist at what other time in history he would want to live he will reply: the Middle Ages. This was the age of feudalism and paternalism, serfs and lords, the last time in the West prior to Marxism that intellectuals were part of the ruling elite.

The irony in Moore calling for the death of Horatio Alger, of course, is that Moore is one of these ultra-wealthy few, now probably worth more than $50 million. He claims to be a working class egalitarian who wants society to be open and honest, but Moore has always refused to make public his and his company’s tax, income, and net worth records. He claims to give a third of his income to worthy causes, but he refuses to make public records that would confirm this. If he “pays his fair share,” as leftists like to demand of the rich, and uses no tax avoidance methods, Manhattanite Moore should be paying more than half his huge income in taxes…but is he? His obsessive concealment makes one wonder what this self-appointed People’s Watchdog has to hide.

Michael Moore would never withstand the scrutiny he lays on other people,” his former manager Douglas Urbanski told the Times of London. “You would think that he’s the ultimate common man. But he’s money-obsessed.”

Moore owns a New York City apartment worth at least $1.9 million. He owns a beachfront estate in Torch Lake, Michigan, worth at least $1.2 million. (His comrades at the left-wing propaganda operation Media Matters frantically attacked a 2004 report that Moore was simultaneously, and therefore illegally, registered to vote in both places.) His daughter Natalie, born in 1981, got much of her education in elite private schools.

Moore’s typical audience is not workers but college students, who pay dearly for the honor of his celebrity presence and speechmaking. The Federal Election Commission (FEC) launched an investigation into Moore’s 2004 “Slacker Uprising Tour” of dozens of colleges and universities, most in swing states, during the closing days of the presidential campaign. The filmmaker charged student organizations or the schools up to $30,000 per appearance to share his ideological views. In many instances, this may have involved a one-sided, and hence illegal, partisan use of government facilities and money at state universities and colleges to subsidize Moore’s pro-Kerry efforts.

The slacker motto,” Moore told one cheering crowd of adolescent college students, “is ‘Sleep till noon, drink beer, vote Kerry November 2,’” adding “’Pick nose, pick b*tt, pick Kerry” and ending with an echo of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels from the Communist Manifesto: “Slackers of the world, unite!”

We need to let the working class know that we don’t think we’re better than them,” said Moore. We? Them? As Daniel Radosh, son of famed author Ron Radosh, wrote in June 1997 at Salon.com: “If [former Republican House Speaker] Newt Gingrich said anything so patronizing, the Left would never stop ridiculing him.”

To effect change we have to get off our high horse and start living in the real world,” Moore told one activist audience. “I want you watching [the TV sitcom] ‘Friends’ every single week. I want you listening to country music.”

Rap music and country music, these are the voices…of people who are disenfranchised,” Moore told one college audience. “I know the music sucks, but don’t you want to put yourself through some pain to see what people are feeling?” Added Radosh: “Not that we’re better than them or anything.”

Moore’s response to Daniel Radosh’s investigation was to smear Radosh by accusing him of being right-wing, to smear Salon.com by accusing it of taking ad money from Borders Books (a company that Moore claimed banned him after he tried to help unionize its workers), and to smear Salon publisher David Talbot by accusing him of a “personal grudge” from when Moore beat Talbot by becoming editor of Mother Jones. But Moore, using his usual theatrical bluster to distract the audience, avoided answering most of the questions Radosh raised.

Moore also threatened a lawsuit against Salon.com. As Slate.com editor Jack Shafer wrote in a similar context: “Moore’s hysterical, empty threats” to sue critics of one of his documentaries shows that he “appears to believe in free speech only for himself.”

Moore’s threats, like those long used by consumer advocate Ralph Nader to stifle his critics, have apparently frightened some publications out of publishing articles that cast Moore in a less-than-glowing light. His techniques, are, well, Moorewellian.

To be fair, capitalism, Republicans, conservatives (or as he calls them, “hate-triots”), and America are not the only things Michael Moore hates. He apparently hates Protestants, and has semi-seriously proposed that the way to resolve the conflict in Northern Ireland is to forcibly re-baptize all Protestants there as Catholics.

Moore hates Cuban-Americans, largely because they vote Republican. Moore, writes Humberto Fontova, author of Fidel: Hollywood’s Favorite Tyrant (2005, Regnery), has also said that Cuban-Americans are “terrorists,” “drug smugglers,” “gangsters,” and in Moore’s word, “wimps” for not staying in Cuba to shape their socialist utopia. In 2000, on his website Moore wrote an “Open Letter to Elian Gonzalez,” in which he accused the boy’s mother (who drown bringing her five-year-old from Castro’s island prison to freedom in America) of kidnapping her son. “The truth is your mother and her boyfriend snatched you and put you on that death boat,” wrote Moore, “because they simply wanted to make more money.”

By contrast, Cuba’s government-run television broadcast Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11 unedited because it was already, by Castro’s exacting Marxist standards, perfect anti-American propaganda.

Moore apparently hates Jews, at least those in Israel, and their supporters. As David Brooks wrote in the June 26, 2004, New York Times, “In Liverpool, [Michael Moore] paused to contemplate the epicenters of evil in the modern world: ‘It’s all part of the same ball of wax, right? The oil companies, Israel, Halliburton.’”

Moore dedicated his book Dude, Where’s My Country? to Rachel Corrie, an activist with the radical International Solidarity Movement (ISM) accidentally killed by an Israeli bulldozer she was attempting to impede as it destroyed tunnels used by terrorists to smuggle weapons.

In their hearts [Israelis] know they are wrong,” wrote Moore in Dude, Where’s My Country? “and they know they would be doing just what the Palestinians are doing if the sandal were on the other foot.”

No wonder Moore has been honored by the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) and the Muslim American Public Affairs Council (MPAC). Moore in a speech before the ADC said he would not attend a scheduled screening of one of his movies in Israel until Israel ceased to occupy the West Bank and Gaza.

And no wonder that an affiliate of the Iran-linked terrorist group Hezbollah offered to help promote his film Fahrenheit 9/11 in the Middle East, especially after Moore tried to prevent it from being shown in Israel, as reported in the February 16, 2004, issue of the New Yorker.

In Fahrenheit 9/11, Saddam Hussein’s brutal Ba’athist socialist dictatorship – which put more than 300,000 of its victims in mass graves – is depicted by Moore as a land of children laughing and flying kites. Then come the American bombers, bringing death and destruction. “I’m just trying to present another side of the story,” Moore told ABC News.

Part of Moore’s movie lionized Congressman Jim McDermott, D-WA, a member of the socialist Progressive Caucus in the House of Representatives who traveled to Iraq before the 2003 war to support the Hussein regime. Moore never mentioned that McDermott also received more than $10,000 in cash and travel expenses from Hussein operatives.

And Moore praises the Islamist terrorists killing American soldiers in Iraq today. “The Iraqis who have risen up against the occupation are not ‘insurgents’ or ‘terrorists’ or ‘The Enemy,” said Moore. “They are the REVOLUTION, the Minutemen, and their numbers will grow – and they will win.”

Do Moore’s anti-American books and films cause or help terrorists legitimize violence? Apparently so. The Indonesian convicted of the Bali terror bombings of 2002 had his lawyer read to the court excerpts of Moore’s Stupid White Men as justification for his hatred of the West.

Moore has said he wants “regime change” of the democratically elected governments in Australia, Italy, and Japan because they are part of the Coalition of the Willing.

And Moore hates and, like a petulant child, attacks those who refuse to give him whatever he wants. When, for example, Pete Townshend of the British rock group The Who refused to give Moore the rights to use his song “Won’t Get Fooled Again” in Fahrenheit 9/11, Moore responded in his typical way. He trashed Townshend in the press and accused the musician of supporting the war in Iraq, even though it was widely known that this was untrue.

Several websites courageously persist in documenting what their authors see as Moore’s shortcomings and deceits. Among these are Moore Watch, Moore Exposed, Spinsanity on Michael Moore, and Moore Lies.

In June 2004, Regan Books, the publisher of Moore’s book Stupid White Men, published Michael Moore is a Big Fat Stupid White Man. Its co-authors are former U.S. Interior Department attorney David T. Hardy, who founded Moore Exposed, and Jason Clarke, creator of Moore Lies. This book gives precise details about the distortions, contradictions, hypocrisies, errors, and outright lies in each of Moore’s writings and film documentaries, as analyzed by two of Moore’s most relentless critics.

Moore has said that he is at work on a sequel to his 2004 political propaganda film Fahrenheit 9/11. He is also preparing a documentary critical of the pharmaceutical industry and American healthcare that Moore has tentatively titled “Sicko.” Moore is likely to schedule its arrival in theaters for mid-2006 to provide propaganda helpful to Democrats running in the congressional midterm elections.

Thus far, the candidates Moore has embraced, or who have embraced him like Clark and Daschle, have lost on election day, leading some to wonder whether receiving a political blessing from Michael Moore is a curse. In 2006, Moore could again become what analyst Collin Levey called “the new Ralph Nader,” an ego-driven left-wing albatross around the neck of the Democratic Party.

Days after the 2004 election, Moore appeared on NBC’s Tonight Show with Jay Leno. The audience was stunned as the usually unkempt filmmaker walked onstage neatly shaven, wearing a suit and necktie. The outcome was good for him either way, Moore jovially explained.

Moore made a mountain of money by exploiting the Democratic convention, campaign and media to sell his products to the leftist faithful, who were almost his only customers. Moore’s shrill propaganda was a sermon to the choir that converted almost nobody, but it diverted tens of millions of liberal political dollars from the campaign to Moore’s own pockets. Moore boasted to Leno that President Bush’s tax cuts will now let him keep more of his fast-growing wealth.

Moore’s shtick is to deftly read the emotional contours of the liberal left and then to profitably mold and expand himself to fill the void,” wrote Marc Cooper last March in LA Weekly. “He’s a polarizer, not a teacher. His ramped-up stage style, shouting and screaming profanities at Dubya, no doubt provides some satisfying moments for the already-converted but can only alienate and confound those still in doubt.”

Some Democrats watching the show must have wondered whether undermining their candidate’s campaign to help Bush win had always been Michael Moore’s secret plan. Is Michael Moore America’s most influential propagandist against capitalism, or its most cynical, self-serving capitalist? Is Michael Moore really a closet Republican, the GOP’s most cunning secret agent? Is Michael Moore an elephant (or a pig) disguised in donkey clothing? He is exactly what he appears to be: a radical leftist who has grown wealthy by exploiting an economic system he would destroy in a nation whose founding principles he despises.



Unfairenheit 9/11
By
Christopher Hitchens
Slate.com | June 22, 2004

One of the many problems with the American left, and indeed of the American left, has been its image and self-image as something rather too solemn, mirthless, herbivorous, dull, monochrome, righteous, and boring. How many times, in my old days at The Nation magazine, did I hear wistful and semienvious ruminations? Where was the radical Firing Line show? Who will be our Rush Limbaugh? I used privately to hope that the emphasis, if the comrades ever got around to it, would be on the first of those and not the second. But the meetings themselves were so mind-numbing and lugubrious that I thought the danger of success on either front was infinitely slight.

Nonetheless, it seems that an answer to this long-felt need is finally beginning to emerge. I exempt Al Franken's unintentionally funny Air America network, to which I gave a couple of interviews in its early days. There, one could hear the reassuring noise of collapsing scenery and tripped-over wires and be reminded once again that correct politics and smooth media presentation are not even distant cousins. With Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11, however, an entirely new note has been struck. Here we glimpse a possible fusion between the turgid routines of MoveOn.org and the filmic standards, if not exactly the filmic skills, of Sergei Eisenstein or Leni Riefenstahl.

To describe this film as dishonest and demagogic would almost be to promote those terms to the level of respectability. To describe this film as a piece of crap would be to run the risk of a discourse that would never again rise above the excremental. To describe it as an exercise in facile crowd-pleasing would be too obvious. Fahrenheit 9/11 is a sinister exercise in moral frivolity, crudely disguised as an exercise in seriousness. It is also a spectacle of abject political cowardice masking itself as a demonstration of "dissenting" bravery.

In late 2002, almost a year after the al-Qaida assault on American society, I had an onstage debate with Michael Moore at the Telluride Film Festival. In the course of this exchange, he stated his view that Osama Bin Laden should be considered innocent until proven guilty. This was, he said, the American way. The intervention in Afghanistan, he maintained, had been at least to that extent unjustified. Something—I cannot guess what, since we knew as much then as we do now—has since apparently persuaded Moore that Osama Bin Laden is as guilty as hell. Indeed, Osama is suddenly so guilty and so all-powerful that any other discussion of any other topic is a dangerous "distraction" from the fight against him. I believe that I understand the convenience of this late conversion.

Fahrenheit 9/11 makes the following points about Bin Laden and about Afghanistan, and makes them in this order:

1) The Bin Laden family (if not exactly Osama himself) had a close if convoluted business relationship with the Bush family, through the Carlyle Group.

2) Saudi capital in general is a very large element of foreign investment in the United States.

3) The Unocal company in Texas had been willing to discuss a gas pipeline across Afghanistan with the Taliban, as had other vested interests.

4) The Bush administration sent far too few ground troops to Afghanistan and thus allowed far too many Taliban and al-Qaida members to escape.

5) The Afghan government, in supporting the coalition in Iraq, was purely risible in that its non-army was purely American.

6) The American lives lost in Afghanistan have been wasted. (This I divine from the fact that this supposedly "antiwar" film is dedicated ruefully to all those killed there, as well as in Iraq.)

It must be evident to anyone, despite the rapid-fire way in which Moore's direction eases the audience hastily past the contradictions, that these discrepant scatter shots do not cohere at any point. Either the Saudis run U.S. policy (through family ties or overwhelming economic interest), or they do not. As allies and patrons of the Taliban regime, they either opposed Bush's removal of it, or they did not. (They opposed the removal, all right: They wouldn't even let Tony Blair land his own plane on their soil at the time of the operation.) Either we sent too many troops, or were wrong to send any at all—the latter was Moore's view as late as 2002—or we sent too few. If we were going to make sure no Taliban or al-Qaida forces survived or escaped, we would have had to be more ruthless than I suspect that Mr. Moore is really recommending.

And these are simply observations on what is "in" the film. If we turn to the facts that are deliberately left out, we discover that there is an emerging Afghan army, that the country is now a joint NATO responsibility and thus under the protection of the broadest military alliance in history, that it has a new constitution and is preparing against hellish odds to hold a general election, and that at least a million and a half of its former refugees have opted to return. I don't think a pipeline is being constructed yet, not that Afghanistan couldn't do with a pipeline. But a highway from Kabul to Kandahar—an insurance against warlordism and a condition of nation-building—is nearing completion with infinite labor and risk. We also discover that the parties of the Afghan secular left—like the parties of the Iraqi secular left—are strongly in favor of the regime change. But this is not the sort of irony in which Moore chooses to deal.

He prefers leaden sarcasm to irony and, indeed, may not appreciate the distinction. In a long and paranoid (and tedious) section at the opening of the film, he makes heavy innuendoes about the flights that took members of the Bin Laden family out of the country after Sept. 11. I banged on about this myself at the time and wrote a Nation column drawing attention to the groveling Larry King interview with the insufferable Prince Bandar, which Moore excerpts.

However, recent developments have not been kind to our Mike. In the interval between Moore's triumph at Cannes and the release of the film in the United States, the 9/11 commission has found nothing to complain of in the timing or arrangement of the flights. And Richard Clarke, Bush's former chief of counterterrorism, has come forward to say that he, and he alone, took the responsibility for authorizing those Saudi departures. This might not matter so much to the ethos of Fahrenheit 9/11, except that—as you might expect—Clarke is presented throughout as the brow-furrowed ethical hero of the entire post-9/11 moment. And it does not seem very likely that, in his open admission about the Bin Laden family evacuation, Clarke is taking a fall, or a spear in the chest, for the Bush administration. So, that's another bust for this windy and bloated cinematic "key to all mythologies."

A film that bases itself on a big lie and a big misrepresentation can only sustain itself by a dizzying succession of smaller falsehoods, beefed up by wilder and (if possible) yet more-contradictory claims. President Bush is accused of taking too many lazy vacations. (What is that about, by the way? Isn't he supposed to be an unceasing planner for future aggressive wars?) But the shot of him "relaxing at Camp David" shows him side by side with Tony Blair. I say "shows," even though this photograph is on-screen so briefly that if you sneeze or blink, you won't recognize the other figure. A meeting with the prime minister of the United Kingdom, or at least with this prime minister, is not a goof-off.

The president is also captured in a well-worn TV news clip, on a golf course, making a boilerplate response to a question on terrorism and then asking the reporters to watch his drive. Well, that's what you get if you catch the president on a golf course. If Eisenhower had done this, as he often did, it would have been presented as calm statesmanship. If Clinton had done it, as he often did, it would have shown his charm. More interesting is the moment where Bush is shown frozen on his chair at the infant school in Florida, looking stunned and useless for seven whole minutes after the news of the second plane on 9/11. Many are those who say that he should have leaped from his stool, adopted a Russell Crowe stance, and gone to work. I could even wish that myself. But if he had done any such thing then (as he did with his "Let's roll" and "dead or alive" remarks a month later), half the Michael Moore community would now be calling him a man who went to war on a hectic, crazed impulse. The other half would be saying what they already say—that he knew the attack was coming, was using it to cement himself in power, and couldn't wait to get on with his coup. This is the line taken by Gore Vidal and by a scandalous recent book that also revives the charge of FDR's collusion over Pearl Harbor. At least Moore's film should put the shameful purveyors of that last theory back in their paranoid box.

But it won't because it encourages their half-baked fantasies in so many other ways. We are introduced to Iraq, "a sovereign nation." (In fact, Iraq's "sovereignty" was heavily qualified by international sanctions, however questionable, which reflected its noncompliance with important U.N. resolutions.) In this peaceable kingdom, according to Moore's flabbergasting choice of film shots, children are flying little kites, shoppers are smiling in the sunshine, and the gentle rhythms of life are undisturbed. Then—wham! From the night sky come the terror weapons of American imperialism. Watching the clips Moore uses, and recalling them well, I can recognize various Saddam palaces and military and police centers getting the treatment. But these sites are not identified as such. In fact, I don't think Al Jazeera would, on a bad day, have transmitted anything so utterly propagandistic. You would also be led to think that the term "civilian casualty" had not even been in the Iraqi vocabulary until March 2003. I remember asking Moore at Telluride if he was or was not a pacifist. He would not give a straight answer then, and he doesn't now, either. I'll just say that the "insurgent" side is presented in this film as justifiably outraged, whereas the 30-year record of Baathist war crimes and repression and aggression is not mentioned once. (Actually, that's not quite right. It is briefly mentioned but only, and smarmily, because of the bad period when Washington preferred Saddam to the likewise unmentioned Ayatollah Khomeini.)

That this—his pro-American moment—was the worst Moore could possibly say of Saddam's depravity is further suggested by some astonishing falsifications. Moore asserts that Iraq under Saddam had never attacked or killed or even threatened (his words) any American. I never quite know whether Moore is as ignorant as he looks, or even if that would be humanly possible. Baghdad was for years the official, undisguised home address of Abu Nidal, then the most-wanted gangster in the world, who had been sentenced to death even by the PLO and had blown up airports in Munich and Rome. Baghdad was the safe house for the man whose "operation" murdered Leon Klinghoffer. Saddam boasted publicly of his financial sponsorship of suicide bombers in Israel. (Quite a few Americans of all denominations walk the streets of Jerusalem.) In 1991, a large number of Western hostages were taken by the hideous Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and held in terrible conditions for a long time. After that same invasion was repelled—Saddam having killed quite a few Americans and Egyptians and Syrians and Brits in the meantime and having threatened to kill many more—the Iraqi secret police were caught trying to murder former President Bush during his visit to Kuwait. Never mind whether his son should take that personally. (Though why should he not?) Should you and I not resent any foreign dictatorship that attempts to kill one of our retired chief executives? (President Clinton certainly took it that way: He ordered the destruction by cruise missiles of the Baathist "security" headquarters.) Iraqi forces fired, every day, for 10 years, on the aircraft that patrolled the no-fly zones and staved off further genocide in the north and south of the country.

In 1993, a certain Mr. Yasin helped mix the chemicals for the bomb at the World Trade Center and then skipped to Iraq, where he remained a guest of the state until the overthrow of Saddam. In 2001, Saddam's regime was the only one in the region that openly celebrated the attacks on New York and Washington and described them as just the beginning of a larger revenge. Its official media regularly spewed out a stream of anti-Semitic incitement. I think one might describe that as "threatening," even if one was narrow enough to think that anti-Semitism only menaces Jews. And it was after, and not before, the 9/11 attacks that Abu Mussab al-Zarqawi moved from Afghanistan to Baghdad and began to plan his now very open and lethal design for a holy and ethnic civil war. On Dec. 1, 2003, the New York Times reported—and the David Kay report had established—that Saddam had been secretly negotiating with the "Dear Leader" Kim Jong-il in a series of secret meetings in Syria, as late as the spring of 2003, to buy a North Korean missile system, and missile-production system, right off the shelf. (This attempt was not uncovered until after the fall of Baghdad, the coalition's presence having meanwhile put an end to the negotiations.)

Thus, in spite of the film's loaded bias against the work of the mind, you can grasp even while watching it that Michael Moore has just said, in so many words, the one thing that no reflective or informed person can possibly believe: that Saddam Hussein was no problem. No problem at all. Now look again at the facts I have cited above. If these things had been allowed to happen under any other administration, you can be sure that Moore and others would now glibly be accusing the president of ignoring, or of having ignored, some fairly unmistakable "warnings."

The same "let's have it both ways" opportunism infects his treatment of another very serious subject, namely domestic counterterrorist policy. From being accused of overlooking too many warnings—not exactly an original point—the administration is now lavishly taunted for issuing too many. (Would there not have been "fear" if the harbingers of 9/11 had been taken seriously?) We are shown some American civilians who have had absurd encounters with idiotic "security" staff. (Have you ever met anyone who can't tell such a story?) Then we are immediately shown underfunded police departments that don't have the means or the manpower to do any stop-and-search: a power suddenly demanded by Moore on their behalf that we know by definition would at least lead to some ridiculous interrogations. Finally, Moore complains that there isn't enough intrusion and confiscation at airports and says that it is appalling that every air traveler is not forcibly relieved of all matches and lighters. (Cue mood music for sinister influence of Big Tobacco.) So—he wants even more pocket-rummaging by airport officials? Uh, no, not exactly. But by this stage, who's counting? Moore is having it three ways and asserting everything and nothing. Again—simply not serious.

Circling back to where we began, why did Moore's evil Saudis not join "the Coalition of the Willing"? Why instead did they force the United States to switch its regional military headquarters to Qatar? If the Bush family and the al-Saud dynasty live in each other's pockets, as is alleged in a sort of vulgar sub-Brechtian scene with Arab headdresses replacing top hats, then how come the most reactionary regime in the region has been powerless to stop Bush from demolishing its clone in Kabul and its buffer regime in Baghdad? The Saudis hate, as they did in 1991, the idea that Iraq's recuperated oil industry might challenge their near-monopoly. They fear the liberation of the Shiite Muslims they so despise. To make these elementary points is to collapse the whole pathetic edifice of the film's "theory." Perhaps Moore prefers the pro-Saudi Kissinger/Scowcroft plan for the Middle East, where stability trumps every other consideration and where one dare not upset the local house of cards, or killing-field of Kurds? This would be a strange position for a purported radical. Then again, perhaps he does not take this conservative line because his real pitch is not to any audience member with a serious interest in foreign policy. It is to the provincial isolationist.

I have already said that Moore's film has the staunch courage to mock Bush for his verbal infelicity. Yet it's much, much braver than that. From Fahrenheit 9/11 you can glean even more astounding and hidden disclosures, such as the capitalist nature of American society, the existence of Eisenhower's "military-industrial complex," and the use of "spin" in the presentation of our politicians. It's high time someone had the nerve to point this out. There's more. Poor people often volunteer to join the army, and some of them are duskier than others. Betcha didn't know that. Back in Flint, Mich., Moore feels on safe ground. There are no martyred rabbits this time. Instead, it's the poor and black who shoulder the packs and rifles and march away. I won't dwell on the fact that black Americans have fought for almost a century and a half, from insisting on their right to join the U.S. Army and fight in the Civil War to the right to have a desegregated Army that set the pace for post-1945 civil rights.

I'll merely ask this: In the film, Moore says loudly and repeatedly that not enough troops were sent to garrison Afghanistan and Iraq. (This is now a favorite cleverness of those who were, in the first place, against sending any soldiers at all.) Well, where does he think those needful heroes and heroines would have come from? Does he favor a draft—the most statist and oppressive solution? Does he think that only hapless and gullible proles sign up for the Marines? Does he think—as he seems to suggest—that parents can "send" their children, as he stupidly asks elected members of Congress to do? Would he have abandoned Gettysburg because the Union allowed civilians to pay proxies to serve in their place? Would he have supported the antidraft (and very antiblack) riots against Lincoln in New York? After a point, one realizes that it's a waste of time asking him questions of this sort. It would be too much like taking him seriously. He'll just try anything once and see if it floats or flies or gets a cheer.

Indeed, Moore's affected and ostentatious concern for black America is one of the most suspect ingredients of his pitch package. In a recent interview, he yelled that if the hijacked civilians of 9/11 had been black, they would have fought back, unlike the stupid and presumably cowardly white men and women (and children). Never mind for now how many black passengers were on those planes—we happen to know what Moore does not care to mention: that Todd Beamer and a few of his co-passengers, shouting "Let's roll," rammed the hijackers with a trolley, fought them tooth and nail, and helped bring down a United Airlines plane, in Pennsylvania, that was speeding toward either the White House or the Capitol. There are no words for real, impromptu bravery like that, which helped save our republic from worse than actually befell. The Pennsylvania drama also reminds one of the self-evident fact that this war is not fought only "overseas" or in uniform, but is being brought to our cities. Yet Moore is a silly and shady man who does not recognize courage of any sort even when he sees it because he cannot summon it in himself. To him, easy applause, in front of credulous audiences, is everything.

Moore has announced that he won't even appear on TV shows where he might face hostile questioning. I notice from the New York Times of June 20 that he has pompously established a rapid response team, and a fact-checking staff, and some tough lawyers, to bulwark himself against attack. He'll sue, Moore says, if anyone insults him or his pet. Some right-wing hack groups, I gather, are planning to bring pressure on their local movie theaters to drop the film. How dumb or thuggish do you have to be in order to counter one form of stupidity and cowardice with another? By all means go and see this terrible film, and take your friends, and if the fools in the audience strike up one cry, in favor of surrender or defeat, feel free to join in the conversation.

However, I think we can agree that the film is so flat-out phony that "fact-checking" is beside the point. And as for the scary lawyers—get a life, or maybe see me in court. But I offer this, to Moore and to his rapid response rabble. Any time, Michael my boy. Let's redo Telluride. Any show. Any place. Any platform. Let's see what you're made of.

Some people soothingly say that one should relax about all this. It's only a movie. No biggie. It's no worse than the tomfoolery of Oliver Stone. It's kick-ass entertainment. It might even help get out "the youth vote." Yeah, well, I have myself written and presented about a dozen low-budget made-for-TV documentaries, on subjects as various as Mother Teresa and Bill Clinton and the Cyprus crisis, and I also helped produce a slightly more polished one on Henry Kissinger that was shown in movie theaters. So I know, thanks, before you tell me, that a documentary must have a "POV" or point of view and that it must also impose a narrative line. But if you leave out absolutely everything that might give your "narrative" a problem and throw in any old rubbish that might support it, and you don't even care that one bit of that rubbish flatly contradicts the next bit, and you give no chance to those who might differ, then you have betrayed your craft. If you flatter and fawn upon your potential audience, I might add, you are patronizing them and insulting them. By the same token, if I write an article and I quote somebody and for space reasons put in an ellipsis like this (…), I swear on my children that I am not leaving out anything that, if quoted in full, would alter the original meaning or its significance. Those who violate this pact with readers or viewers are to be despised. At no point does Michael Moore make the smallest effort to be objective. At no moment does he pass up the chance of a cheap sneer or a jeer. He pitilessly focuses his camera, for minutes after he should have turned it off, on a distraught and bereaved mother whose grief we have already shared. (But then, this is the guy who thought it so clever and amusing to catch Charlton Heston, in Bowling for Columbine, at the onset of his senile dementia.) Such courage.

Perhaps vaguely aware that his movie so completely lacks gravitas, Moore concludes with a sonorous reading of some words from George Orwell. The words are taken from 1984 and consist of a third-person analysis of a hypothetical, endless, and contrived war between three superpowers. The clear intention, as clumsily excerpted like this (...) is to suggest that there is no moral distinction between the United States, the Taliban, and the Baath Party and that the war against jihad is about nothing. If Moore had studied a bit more, or at all, he could have read Orwell really saying, and in his own voice, the following:

The majority of pacifists either belong to obscure religious sects or are simply humanitarians who object to taking life and prefer not to follow their thoughts beyond that point. But there is a minority of intellectual pacifists, whose real though unacknowledged motive appears to be hatred of western democracy and admiration for totalitarianism. Pacifist propaganda usually boils down to saying that one side is as bad as the other, but if one looks closely at the writing of the younger intellectual pacifists, one finds that they do not by any means express impartial disapproval but are directed almost entirely against Britain and the United States …

And that's just from Orwell's Notes on Nationalism in May 1945. A short word of advice: In general, it's highly unwise to quote Orwell if you are already way out of your depth on the question of moral equivalence. It's also incautious to remind people of Orwell if you are engaged in a sophomoric celluloid rewriting of recent history.

If Michael Moore had had his way, Slobodan Milosevic would still be the big man in a starved and tyrannical Serbia. Bosnia and Kosovo would have been cleansed and annexed. If Michael Moore had been listened to, Afghanistan would still be under Taliban rule, and Kuwait would have remained part of Iraq. And Iraq itself would still be the personal property of a psychopathic crime family, bargaining covertly with the slave state of North Korea for WMD. You might hope that a retrospective awareness of this kind would induce a little modesty. To the contrary, it is employed to pump air into one of the great sagging blimps of our sorry, mediocre, celeb-rotten culture. Rock the vote, indeed.

Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair. His latest book, Blood, Class and Empire: The Enduring Anglo-American Relationship, is out in paperback.





There is a Four-page PDF summary of "Fifty-nine Deceits in Fahrenheit 9/11," which you may reproduce freely. You may also photocopy the full text of this report if you give it away for free.




Unmoored From Reality
An ideological con artist is the
favorite for an Oscar.
www.opinionjournal.com

Stupid White Plagiarizers?
By Brian Carnell
www.leftwatch.com

Hollywood Honors A
Stupid White Man
By Jan Golab
www.frontpagemag.com


Michael Moore’s Fictitious Life
Debbie Schlussel
www.politicalusa.com

Viewer beware
Ben Fritz
www.spinsanity.org

Bowling for Columbine
David T. Hardy
www.hardylaw.net

Bowl-O-Drama
Daniel Lyons,
www.forbes.com

Unfairenheit 9/11
The lies of Michael Moore.
By Christopher Hitchens

Films to Answers Michael Moore's Lies

Celsius 41.11
Exposing Lies in Fahrenheit 9/11
Learn about the new feature film.

Michael Moore Hates America

A film by Michael Wilson
The real Michael Moore
like you've never seen him before.






Michael Moore Lies & Distortions Documented




LATEST ADDITION:
(Dave Kopel: Fifty-nine Deceits in Fahrenheit 9/11)

There Wasn't, Isn't, Never Will Be an Afghan Oil Pipeline!
(Unocal Reiterates Position on Withdrawal from Afghanistan Pipeline)

(NYP: Moore Myths)
(AP: Bin Laden Brother Disputes Moore Film)
(Slate: Unfairenheit 9/11. The lies of Michael Moore - Christopher Hitchens)
(UK Guardian: Michael Moore is a bully, says Who guitarist)
(Newsweek: More Distortions From Michael Moore - Michael Isikoff)
(McCaslin: Major's Mom Call Moore "Maggot That Eats The Dead")
(Sydney Morning Herald: Less is Moore)
(Ed Koch: Moore Would've Opposed WWII Too)
(Washington Post: Baloney, Moore or Less - Richard Cohen)
(American Spectator: Coalition of the Wild-Eyed - Mark Goldblatt)
(The Hill: Clarke claims responsibility)
(NewsMax: Richard Clarke: Big Part of Moore's Movie 'a Mistake')
(NRO: John Podhoretz: Spider-man 2 is the best comic-book movie ever made)
(NRO: Democrats and the Fahrenheit 9/11 Trap)
(Boston Globe: Limbaughing to the left? - Ellen Goodman)
(RCJ: Moore Lies About Meeting, Hugging Daschle)
(Liar: Moore is Not from Flynt, But From a Wealthy Michigan Town 15 Miles East!)
(Map: How Far 94.9% White Davison is from Flint)
(Pantagraph Newspaper to Moore: Your Use of Our Headline ''Misleading'')

"Our choice wasn't between a benign status quo and the bloodshed of war. It was between war and a graver threat. Don't let anyone tell you otherwise. Not our political opponents, and certainly not a disingenuous filmmaker who would have us believe that Saddam's Iraq was an oasis of peace, when in fact it was a place of indescribable cruelty, torture chambers, mass graves and prisons that destroyed the lives of the small children inside their walls." -Senator John McCain

A Brief Look at Saddam's Many Crimes...
(BBCNews: Iraq's tortured children)
(The Pyramid of Skulls: How Saddam Hussein Came to Power)
(Human Rights Watch: Iraq: Devastation of Marsh Arabs)
(HRW: The Iraqi Government Assault on the Marsh Arabs)
(CNN: Kuwait Still Recovering from Gulf War Fires)
(New Zealand Herald: "Evidence of an Iraqi Official Acting as a 'Professional Rapist'")
(UK Times: 14 Years of Torture and Humiliation in Saddam's Jail)
(Evening Standard: New Saddam Torture Dossier Unveiled)
(Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights & Labor: Iraq: A Population Silenced)
(Gendercide Watch: The Anfal Campaign, Iraqi Kurdistan, 1988)
(Kurdistan Regional Government: The Anfal Campaign Against the Kurds)
(USA Today: Iraqis pour out tales of Saddam's torture chambers)
(CBN: Saddam Torture Videos Viewed by Congress)
(Fox News: Videotape Shows Saddam's Men Torturing Iraqis)
(BBC: Inside Saddam's torture chamber)
(UK Telegraph: Saddam's torture CDs go on sale)
(AP: Kurdish town of Halabja remembers Saddam's chemical attack)
(Insight: Mass Graves Testify to Saddam's Evil)
(BBC: Saddam's mass graves
(CPA: Iraq's Legacy of Terror -- Mass Graves)
(Shia News: Politics | Horrors of Iraq's mass graves)
(Fox: Expert -- 300,000 in Iraq's Mass Graves)
(SIPRI: Chemical Weapons in the Iran-Iraq War)
(UKG: The valleys of death: refugees appeal for Western intervention)
(HRW: Iraq's Brutal Decrees - Amputation, Branding and Death)
(HRW: The Mass Graves of al-Mahawil)
(HRW: Forcible Expulsion Of Ethnic Minorities)
(HRW: Bureaucracy of Repression: The Iraqi Government in Its Own Words)
(HRW: Background on Human Rights Conditions, 1984-1992)
(HRW: Soil from Bomb Craters in Northern Iraq Reveal Nerve Gas)
(HRW: Endless Torment -- The 1991 Uprising in Iraq And Its Aftermath
(HRW: The Search for the Disappeared in Iraqi Kurdistan
(HRW: Whatever Happened To The Iraqi Kurds?)

Facts on Saddam's Links to Al-Qaeda...
(Daily Times: Iraqi PM: "Saddam Hussein had link with Al Qaeda")
(The Weekly Standard: The Clinton View of Iraq-al Qaeda Ties)
TCS: The Iraq -- Al Qaeda Connections)
(Weekly Standard: The Clinton View of Iraq-al Qaeda Ties)
(National Review: Iraq & al Qaeda -- 9/11 Commission raises more questions)
(Washington Times: Iraq-al Qaeda link comes in focus)
(Global Security.org: Salman Pak -- Iraq Terrorist Training Facilities)
(Putin Warning)
(Frontpagemag.com: More Connections Between Saddam and Osama)
(Weekly Standard: Saddam always had links with international terrorist organizations)

Facts on Saddam's WMDs Then & What's Been Found So Far...
(The World Tribune: UN inspectors: Saddam shipped out WMD before war and after)
(Editor & Publisher: Times Makes Partial Amends for False Qaeda-Iraq Tie Misreporting)
(WND: Saddam's secret weapons exports)
(Insight: Saddam's WMD Have Been Found)
(Roadside Sarin: The WMD we haven't found is still a threat)
(WND: New evidence: Saddam's WMD in Lebanon)

President Bush's National Guard Service Documented...
(Byron York: Bush and the National Guard: Case Closed)
(Washington Time: Pentagon Finds Missing Military Records of Bush)
(White House Briefing on President Bush's Honorable National Guard Service)
(Rowan Scarborough: Bush's Drills with the Alabama Guard Confirmed)
(AP: Timeline of Bush's National Guard Service)
(President Bush's Payroll Records from the National Guard) .pdf
(AP: Former Guardsman: Bush served with me in Alabama)
(Boston Herald: Bush Guard Duty Facts, Not Fiction)
(FN: Bush Orders Release of Military Records)

The Gore-Won-Florida in 2000 Myth Exposed...
(CNN: Florida Recount Study Shows Bush Still Wins)
("The National Opinion Research Center Florida Ballots Project /a>
(Byron York: A Kooky Count – The Meaninglessness of the Florida Recount)
(NYP: Twice As Many Non-Felon Whites as Blacks Were Erroneously Removed from Voting Roles)
(Peter Kirsanow: Running on Urban Mythology)
(Florida's 2000 Ballot-Spoilage Rate: 3%.
Nationwide: 2-3%)

(Rep. Tauzin: Media Discouraged Voting By Calling State Before Polls Closed)
(Fact: Non-Vote Rate for White/Black Republicans Higher than for White/Black Dems)
(Florida 2000: The Political Urban Legend Facts Won't Kill)
(John R. Lott: Moore's Myths)
(John R. Lott: Same Old Myths Live on About Florida 2000)
(The Felon Franchise: A Partisan Prison Strategy)
(WND: Florida Cops Catch Democrat with Voting Machine in Car!)
(CBS: Did Networks Discourage Voters?)
(WND: Panhandle Bushies Want Second Shot)
(Knight Ridder/Tribune: Network Irresponsibility)
(FindLaw: How Florida Supreme Court Insulted the U.S. Supreme Court)
(Any Cost: How Al Gore Tried to Steal the Election)
(NRO: Media Distorts Justice Stevens; Supreme Court Dissent)
(NY Times: Study of Disputed Ballots Finds Justices Did Not Cast Deciding Vote)
(Thomas Sowell: Fairness Was Not Gore's Objective in Florida)


The Case of the Doctored Headline

07/30/2004 at 10:28 AM
In Category:
Fahrenheit 9/11

Hello. I'm new here at Moorelies. My name is Stuart Hayashi (I pronounce it as huh-YAW-shee) and I live in Hawaii. I will be writing for here for a while. Hopefully, this has the potential to develop into something that is more long-term.

Since 2002, I have been an avid reader of
MooreWatch.com
and Bowling For Truth, and, since 2003, of Moorelies and Michael Moore Hates America.

I had seldom ever contacted any of the parties running these websites, however, until Bill FlickBloomington, IL, Pantagraph broke the story of a doctored headline from his very newspaper appearing in Fahrenheit 9/11. I should state that I first heard of this from a post on MooreWatch.com, which provided a link to Flick's first article on the subject, from July 16, 2004. of the

Basically, Fahrenheit 9/11 briefly showed a photo of an article from the Pantagraph with the headline "Latest Florida recount shows Gore won election." A piece with that title was indeed published in the Pantagraph, but not on the date shown in the film -- Wednesday, December 19, 2001.

The news was so outrageous that I began to send numerous e-mails to Mr. Flick and the administrators of all the aforementioned websites asking for more information.

On Friday, July 23, Bill Flick wrote another column about this, featuring MooreWatch blogger Jim Kenefick's screen capture of the headline in question, and explaining that while "Latest Florida recount shows Gore won election" was published in the Pantagraph, it was only a letter to the editor and it was from a different date -- Wednesday, December 5, 2001. Flick went on to explain that the letter, as it appeared in the actual Pantagraph edition that day, looked nothing like the version in the movie. In short, the letter's appearance was doctored for the film.

I thought that people might be interested in seeing a photograph of the real letter on the Internet, so that they could compare it to what they had seen in the documentary(?), so I e-mailed Flick asking if The PantagraphMooreWatch.com. So now you can see photos of both the real letter and the faked movie one here. could possibly post such a picture on its website. He put me into contact with a librarian who had a copy of it on microfilm, and she agreed to fax it to Lee of

Meanwhile, the Pantagraph is now officially requesting an explicit apology from Lion's Gate, the distributor of Fahrenheit 9/11, over the matter of the doctored headline, and is seeking damages of . . . $1.00. I hope that this brings more attention to this matter, as the people who believed in the veracity of Fahrenheit 9/11 have a right to know about this.

As a consequence of these events, Jason has generously offered to let me blog here for a duration of time. I would like to thank him, Bill Flick, Lee and Jim K. of MooreWatch.com, the librarian who was of great assistance, and everyone else who has helped inform the public about this strange situation.

We plan to update you on further developments. In the meantime, I hope that you enjoy my work here.





Masters of Deception:

Noam Chomsky, Michael Moore and the

9-11 Conspiracy Industry.

by James DeMeo, Ph.D.

16 January 2004




The Austrian psychiatrist and 1930s anti-fascist author Wilhelm Reich once noted (I paraphrase) "The Big Lie gets lots of public attention and is carried forward as in a big parade, with many hungry listeners, while the truth must come limping behind on crutches, struggling to catch up, panting with it tongue hanging out." So it appears a similar situation has developed internationally, with respect to historical events during and after World War II, and most especially after the 9-11 terror attacks against the USA. While the reader may be accustomed to believing that Big Lies only originate within "the establishment" or "mainstream", history shows us many examples where little lies which begin far outside the mainstream, over time slowly grow and gain acceptance to become a new "Truth" which at least within a certain variable percentage of the population can hardly be questioned. Both Stalinism and Hitlerism in the 20th Century had such modest origins, eventually leading to the greatest social destructions and genocidal slaughters of recent history. So it seems the first years of the 21st Century offer us yet another set of tempting falsehoods, with large numbers of "hungry listeners". Several articles in mainstream newspapers have recently highlighted one facet of the matter, in the uncritical and eager acceptance of 9-11 conspiracy theories: "Anti-US books find an eager audience among German youth" (Christian Science Monitor, 10 Dec. 2003), "9/11 Conspiracy Theory Books Dominate Debate at Frankfurt Book Fair" (Deutsch Welt, 10 Oct. 2003), "Conspiracy Theories about Sept.11 get Hearings in Germany" (Wall Street Journal, 29 Sept. 2003).(1) While it would be an error to think the problem is only in Germany -- it is not -- the growing acceptance of this particular "non-mainstream" Big Lie is clearly more widespread in Europe and the Middle East than the USA.

The 9-11 conspiracy books mentioned in the articles detail, for those who are unaware,various claims that:
* Bush and the CIA, with help from Mossad, organized to destroy the World Trade Center (WTC) and Pentagon; this was accomplished either with or without the help of Osama Bin Ladin (OBL) and the various Islamic hijackers, whose names were artificially inserted into the passenger lists, or by duping them into the action.
* Alternatively, the WTC Twin Towers were exploded by demolition charges from the inside, and that is how they crashed down to the ground. The airplanes, which may have been flown into the towers by "remote-control", having been "taken over" electronically by the CIA or some other nefarious government agency, were incidental events designed to cover up the internal explosions. It was done by the Jewish landlord to collect insurance money.
* No Jews were killed in the terrorist attacks, as Mossad radioed secret instructions to all of them, not to go to work that particular day.
* No jet crashed into the Pentagon, nor into the rural Shanksville, Pennsylvania farm field. A cruise missile or something similar hit the Pentagon, and the farm field.
* All of the above, or parts of them, are evidence of a wider plot by the Bush Family, working secretly with the Bin Ladins and other high-up wealthy Texas and Saudi oil barons and corporate elites, and/or with the Jews, to control the world.

While the casual observer might consider these charges with some amazement -- given that most are recycled plots from the Nazi era, and given all the eye-witness testimony and photographic evidence, and all the evidence which has since been made public by investigative journalists, government officials and in court records, plus the willing video- and audio-taped boasting confessional speeches of various al-Qaeda operatives, including OBL himself -- it is nevertheless a fact that the books presenting these ideas are best-sellers, translated into many languages with hundreds of thousands of copies being snapped up, in Europe at least, and with nearly a third of Germans under the age of 30 believing they are true. My own trips to Europe, and conversations with many individuals since 9-11 supports the charge that many people believe this material -- in fact, my own small e-newsletter, OBRL-News -Bulletin at Yahoo Groups, occasionally receives hot and angry emails from readers who object to my posting out information which is critical of these theories, or which documents the very real conspiracy, of Osama Bin Ladin's al-Qaeda group actually organizing the hijackings with a deliberate aim towards mass-murder. Part of the problem, as I will discuss, is that the 9-11 conspiracy books do not stand alone in making such fantastic charges. In fact, they are what might be called the "icing on the cake" of a larger onslaught of historical revisionist accusations, circulating for many years since even before 9-11 and originating from within neo-fascist far-Left and Right-wing political groups, which attempt to tarnish the USA and Israel as engaged in a much larger and ongoing conspiracy of conquest and empire. For those who already have accepted the various outrageous accusations over some years, then the 9-11 conspiracy material is only an additional small step.

The above-cited newspaper articles rekindled personal observations made during a trip to Europe in September 2003. While in Berlin, I was casually window-shopping on Kurfuerstendamm, a magnificent tree-lined street with shops of every description, and wandered into the Hugendubel bookstore. There, I was immediately confronted with a display table at the front of the store, on which were piled perhaps 40 different books specializing on the subjects of America, Israel, 9-11 and terrorism. About 90% of them were anti-American and anti-Israel in tone, easily determined by the cover materials and descriptions, with many conspiracy-theory books filled with speculative assertions about international plots to control the world, about "Bush" or the USA attacking itself on 9-11. The books were deliberately located in the most prominent place out front, indicating a privileged significance and high sales. A few of the books were rational and well-constructed reports by historians or journalists who had done a lot of leg-work and homework, such as the very important work by Fouda and Fielding Masterminds of Terror which documented the voluntary and quite boastful confessions on al-Jazeera TV of the top two Al-Qaeda 9-11 plotters, Ramsi Binalshibh and Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the latter of whom also had shadowy connections, along with Bin Ladin and other al-Qaeda figures such as Ramsi Yousef and Abdul Rahman Yasin, to the Iraqi-supported terror bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993. Abdul Rahman had actually fled to Iraq and received protection and support from Saddam Hussein after the 1993 bombing. The book detailing that evidence The War Against America: Saddam Hussein and the World Trade Center Attacks by Laurie Mylroie, was not to be found at Hugendubel, and truth be told it is hard to find in the USA as well. These and similar books provide an abundance of factual details and documentation on the very real conspiracy of al-Qaeda and related Islamic groups undertaking a long string of terrorist actions against both American and Israeli targets, over many decades, and getting big money, logistical support, recruits and considerable encouragement from behind the curtain from various terror-supporting states, to include Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and other wealthy Islamic sheikdoms awash in petro-dollars. Sometimes this support is not concealed at all, as one finds among the international system of Wahhabist Mosques, supported by the Saudi Royals, which spew forth hatred of everything Western and modern and non-Muslim on a daily basis, openly asserting that such influences and people should be wholly subjugated or wiped off the face of the Earth. This is a very real and quite dangerous conspiracy, which finds support also from the radical Left and Right wing extremists in both Europe and the USA. More frequently, such political support within the Western nations is expressed by spreading disinformation which tries (as usual) to "blame the victims" of 9-11 for their own deaths.

But this is not the "conspiracy theory" being disseminated by the various books I saw at Hugendubel , or read about in the above-mentioned newspaper reviews, the ones which claim Bush did it, or that no Jews were killed. One might argue those kinds of reports are so ridiculous from the prima facia evidence presented to our own eyes, for those who saw the airplanes crash into the Twin Towers and Pentagon, or who heard the many Jewish names being read aloud by their surviving relatives during televised memorial services on 9-11-2003. Also, most of these theories were being circulated on global internet within less than 24 hours after 9-11, before the smoke had even ceased to pour from those open-air crematoriums, by individuals who happily engaged in all kinds of wild speculations or claimed to have "inside knowledge". Certainly, no research of any kind had been undertaken by the various internet-accusers, but those emails happily bounced around the world for weeks and months, being refined and expanded until many of them later appeared in full-length books. Why should one need to bother wasting time to rebut them? The answer is, because so many people are attracted to them, creating real-world problems regarding credibility and international relations at many levels, not only between governments, but as I touch upon below, between ordinary people. Most of the 9-11 conspiracy books, I knew from my own readings and research, were derived from the various internet missives, composed mainly of cherry-picked "facts", or half-truths and undocumented claims used to support wholly speculative accusations against America and Israel, and which systematically excluded any contrary evidence or eye-witness observation which went against their prefabricated conclusions. Some also carried the stench of Jewish conspiracy theory. In fact, many of the front-table conspiracy books are propagated by authors who hold concealed or quite open sympathies for Stalinist communism and/or neo-Nazi Holocaust-denial, often with a considerable sympathy and apologism towards the Islamic radicals and terror bombers -- this is the background emotional-ideological foundation for the awful hatred directed against the USA and Israel, to "j'accuse" where the evidence is slim or non-existent, blaming the victims, and to willfully ignore where the evidence is abundant and solid.

Continuing my walk in Berlin, around the corner to Kantstrasse at the Zweitausendeins bookshop, known for many excellent and unusual books which often cannot find other publishers, a literal shrine had been created in the bookstore display window for a best-selling book (with DVD and fold-out poster) by Mathias Broeckers,(2) which accused the USA of undertaking the 9-11 attacks upon itself. A special "flow-chart" of the conspiracy was also on display, included with the book, showing a little President Bush cartoon at the top, fitted with a Hitler mustache and hair-cut. Bush is, according to Broeckers, the "true reincarnation of Hitler" -- not Saddam or the Iranian Mullahs, nor Kim Jung Il or the Chinese dictators of the Tienanmin Square massacres. From that statement alone one can gauge the intensity of emotional rage and contactlessness behind the widespread international social hysteria about "Bush" (put into quotation marks, because it really isn't about "Bush" at all). The Zweitausendeins internet web page featuring the Broeckers book also carries other books on similar themes, including a conspiracy book on Pearl Harbor, and a missive targeting the USA/Israel "oppression of Palestine" by Noam Chomsky, and so forth.(3) Items once marginal and which no serious historian would reference now are best-sellers, though one can search in vain for equal presentation and publicity of the rebuttals to such propaganda. They simply do not get published, or if so, don't sell as well.

In the 1990s and under the encouragement of myself and Prof. Bernd Senf of Berlin, Zweitausendeins had republished many out of print natural scientific works by Wilhelm Reich,(4) whose Mass Psychology of Fascism (5) documented the profound similarities between the extreme Left and extreme Right politic, both being against human freedom, love and life, and both only interested to obtain power, and willing to use any and all means necessary to get it. Reich was one of the authentic non-mainstream natural scientists whose work was hotly controversial and therefore attacked by nearly everyone. His work is heavy with well-researched and objectively demonstrated findings and solid supporting facts. Perhaps, for this reason, his books have never been "popular", and the evidence of his being attacked and suppressed is no "conspiracy theory". As R.D. Laing once noted, "He assaults our narcissism in almost unforgivable ways. Freud was cool. Reich is Uncool".(6) He forces us to look directly at unpleasant things about ourselves, and we do not like it. By 1932, Reich's anti-fascist writings had stirred such controversy and opposition that he was banished by the German Communist Party, thrown out of the International Psychoanalytical Association (which was trying to "get along" with the Nazis), and put onto a Nazi death list. Quite an accomplishment for one year. Zweitausendeins did an excellent job in making some of Reich's later natural-scientific works available in the German language for the first time. They also published one of my own books referencing Reich, Der Orgonakkumulator. Ein Handbuch(7) and another I co-edited with Prof. Senf, Nach Reich: Neue Forschungen zur Orgonomie.(8) For a time it seemed they might help break open the long public silence on Reich's important sociological and natural scientific findings, which after WW-II were maliciously attacked and publicly distorted by Stalinists in the USA, and actually "banned and burned" by the power-hungry Food and Drug Administration. Zweitausendeins even considered to translate and publish my major work, Saharasia: The 4000 BCE Origins of Child-Abuse, Sex-Repression, Warfare and Social Violence, in the Deserts of the Old World(9) a global cross-cultural study of human behavior and social violence which identified the region of North Africa, Middle-East and Central Asia -- which roughly parallels the Islamic world -- to be the most socially repressive and violent cultural region on Earth. This analysis was undertaken in the 1970s and 1980s, but due to academic barriers it required an additional 10 years before it could be published. It fully vindicated Reich, and also was unforgivably "uncool".

Interest in my Saharasia discovery had grown over the years, and I was invited to lecture in Europe on many occasions. After 9-11, all that began to change. During one lecture trip to Berlin in 2002, I was pelted with questions derived from the conspiracy theorists -- Didn't Eisenhower massacre a million German Prisoners-of-War? Wasn't it proven that FDR knew well in advance about Pearl Harbor? Didn't the USA provoke the Japanese, and Churchill provoke the Germans? Wasn't the USA now going fascist? Didn't Bush steal the last election? And wasn't 9-11 the result of a big American plot? No, I replied, with amazement that people had no embarrassment to ask such questions in public, without undertaking a lot of serious homework on the subjects, so as to really know. Especially in Germany. These kinds of statements, as well as others expressing fascination in old Nazi propaganda and apologetic defenses of the Islamic terrorists began to spring up in private conversations and correspondence, quite voluntarily and usually out-of-context from the subject under discussion, in a manner I found most alarming.

Later on, during my 2003 Europe trip, I presented my Saharasia discovery, emphasizing Reich's earlier discoveries, to the "Congress on Matriarchal Studies" in Luxemburg.(10) I expected some lively discussion and even pointed debate on the central issues. After my talk, I was instead verbally assaulted by several feminist scholars who ignored my discussions against female genital mutilations, or against arranged marriages or "honor killings" of women, nor were they interested in my speaking against dictatorships or the patriarchal authoritarian family -- no, they were angry that my cross-cultural analysis and maps had demonstrated the Islamic world to be the major global region which harbored such things, and that my ideas were therefore "dangerous". Many speakers at the Congress held the view of America and/or Israel as the "World's Greatest Danger To Peace" (opinion polls from Europe have said as much), and of course most of the conspiracy theory suggested the Islamic radicals were really nothing more than "freedom fighters", certainly "desperate innocents" regarding terrorism, which the Jews and Americans had only been exaggerating about and whom in any case had brought terror attacks upon themselves. So what in the world was I doing, showing maps and cross-cultural evidence suggesting otherwise? After my lecture, the Minister of Women's Affairs for Luxemburg, who had been in attendance, apologized to me with much embarrassment for the rude treatment I had received, saying she had never before seen such an outburst of hatred towards a speaker . I reassured her, I was accustomed to controversy, and knew also that others attending the Congress, including the organizer who had invited me to speak, were no strangers to such controversy. Controversy can be constructive, productive, forcing everyone to engage the facts and burn away the weak points in their arguments and theories. But controversy which only stimulates personal attacks which avoid and evade discussion of the issues is something altogether different, and for the remainder of the Congress, I made sure to "keep my back to the wall".

Near the coffee bar, one large German fellow from the audience approached me, literally shaking with rage as he informed me that the "World Behavior Map" I had shown during my lecture was validating "Bushes Achse des Boesen " -- the Axis of Evil. Somewhat astounded at this remark, I had to admit there was something to it. I told him my maps had been prepared in the 1980s, well before Bush or 9-11, and suggested it was no accident that the most socially violent cultures which were identified in my maps were also the fountain-heads of international terrorism. I asked, "what about Saddam Hussein and the millions he has killed? Don't you think he really was an evil character? Or the ethnic genocide and miserable treatment of women by the Talibans? What about the concentration-starvation death camps in North Korea, filled with political dissenters?" My suggestions that the modern terrorists and terror-supporting states were predominantly Islamo-fascist or totalitarian communist regimes brought only the most dismissive denials, and the even more incredulous accusation that I must be "a CIA agent, come to spread confusion". Thankfully, I had more supporters than detractors in the discussions. Too many in attendance had their own horror stories to tell about life in the Islamic or communist utopia. In any case, the reader will get the picture, of how even those who would claim the identification of "progressives" or "intelligencia" sometimes leave behind their capacities for critical thinking.

That same week, Der Spiegel magazine published a major expose on the worst of the 9-11 conspiracy books, focusing upon the popular books by Broeckers, Gerhard Wisnewski, Andreas von Buelow, and Thierry Meyssan,(11) detailing the falsifications, fabrications, half-truths and lies-of-omission (the worst kind, as Orwell noted), as well as the whole-cloth fairy-tales. For awhile, it seemed the European intellectual scene would be completely over-flooded by the conspiracy materials, without any counter-critique whatsoever, when Der Spiegel waded into the quagmire with the article "Panoply of the Absurd",(12) revealing the most obvious distortions and fabrications, and in so doing, considerably drained the swamp. However, Der Spiegel (a liberal-left publication with anti-American sentiments) avoided discussion of two of the larger and probably more radically "serious" but willfully deceptive critics of the USA, Michael Moore and Noam Chomsky, whose influence and book sales have soared in inverse proportion to their factual content. Fans of these two fiction-writers certainly will protest to hear them described as having abandoned factual emphasis, so I shall give a few of the essentials, with web links for access to the full load of devastating, though "struggling to catch-up" truth. Like the 9-11 conspiracy-theory books, these two authors appear to have a much larger audience in Europe than in America.

Noam Chomsky is best known for his missives against the USA and Israel, who are misportrayed as the cause of all the world's problems.(13) In this, he echoes the Islamo-fascists who rail against the "Great Satan" and "Little Satan", an idee fixe so intellectually nailed to the floor that he successfully avoids any mention of the genocidal butchery and crimes committed by the "Saharasian" Soviet Union, Red China and the multiple branches of the COMINTERN (100 million dead from that nasty bunch)(14) -- except perhaps to either blame their crimes on the USA and Israel, or deny that they occurred at all. But most people reading Chomsky won't know about his friendly relations with the Holocaust deniers and neo-Nazis, except perhaps in France where those relationships have been more widely exposed. Chomsky wrote a glowing endorsement-foreword to a 1980 French-language autobiography by Robert Faurisson, who is best known for his many writings which claim the Holocaust never happened and the Nazi gas chambers did not exist.(15) In 1984 Chomsky gave the publishing rights to one of his books to a French neo-Nazi publisher, rescuing it from bankruptcy,(16) and he co-authored another book with a radical terrorist apologist, Edward Said, published in 1983 by a notorious neo-Nazi publishing house in the USA.(17) His books and audiotapes are openly sold and/or indexed on neo-Nazi websites, along with the writings of Adolf Hitler and nearly every historical revisionist and Holocaust denier imaginable, with no apparent embarrasment or objections by Chomsky.(18) And as late as 1986 he allowed one of his articles to appear in the Journal of Historical Review, mouthpiece for the antisemitic neo-Nazi Institute for Historical Review, which gives favorable attention to most all his other writings.(19) There is more.

Until most recently I had no idea about the extent of Chomsky's activities in this direction, as in the USA and probably in most of Europe as well, he successfully passes himself off as a "radical anti-capitalist" and "rational social critic" from the political Left. Full documentation on this matter is presented in the well-researched book by Werner Cohn, Partners in Hate: Noam Chomsky and the Holocaust Deniers.(20) The book also is posted on-line by the author, who is a Professor Emeritus of Sociology at the University of British Columbia. Deborah Lipstadt, a powerful anti-fascist scholar who had done battle with the neo-Nazis on many occasions, also addresses the sordid Chomsky-Faurisson matter,(21) and most any book factually discussing modern antisemitism and Holocaust denial will include discussion of Chomsky. His die-hard supporters, however, either claim Chomsky's actions are a "defense of free-speech rights for Holocaust-deniers" (certainly it is much more than that), or they don't want to know about it at all. His distortions both in supporting the Holocaust deniers, and then trying to misrepresent his support as merely "defending free speech" is part of a larger pattern of misrepresentations which permeate his entire body of writings. Internet provides a veritable index-list of specific rebuttals to Chomsky's claims and writings, correcting his multiple distortions of historical and recent events.(22) Another resource which goes into much critical detail on each of Chomsky's main books, however, with perhaps the most scathing and damning overview of his distortions and lies of omission, is found at the Amazon.com website, in the book-reviews section, particularly by one British academic who (for good reason) wishes to shield his identity.(23) [Also see the new book The Anti-Chomsky Reader Edited by Peter Collier and David Horowitz, published in late 2004. See the link in the "Postscript" section at the bottom of this webpage.]

Having read some of Chomsky's materials years earlier, with a critical eye for their accuracy (they were, without my knowing it, carefully expunged of any reference to his European flirtations with the neo-Nazis), and having been deeply disappointed at nearly every page, I can give my own personal endorsement for Coen's and the anonymous Brit's illuminating critiques -- indirectly they also stand as a harsh critique of all the various conspiracy books which rely so heavily upon Chomsky, or which repeat identical themes. Before immersing myself in this material, I noted at many places where Chomsky's divergence from genuine scholarship was profound -- denying the Cambodian killing fields and blaming the USA and Israel for all the world's problems was bad enough-- but I could not then quite put my finger on the deeper emotional constellation from which it sprang. My background is actually the natural sciences, and prior to 9-11-2001, my only research into modern social analysis was the product of my earlier Saharasian discovery,(9) which primarily dealt with history and ethnography up to about 1900 AD. However, the spectre of the airplanes crashing into the twin towers provided a powerful impetus to throw myself into investigation of this new territory, which increasingly has demonstrated deep emotional and historical connections between Islamic fundamentalism and the quasi-religious expressions of Left and Right wing fascism. With much distress, I also discovered a few friends and contacts in Europe really believed Chomsky to be an authentic researcher, overflowing with facts -- certainly, he does overflow. And I also found my own work on the "origins of violence" question being increasingly attacked by advocates of his and similar revisionist ideas. So I could not really escape an open dealing with the matter, even if I chose to avoid it (I don't). The revelation of Chomsky's tango with the Holocaust-deniers, in addition to his overt Stalinism and apologism for Islamic extremism, finally clarified the situation magnificently. The new social movement he represents has confirmed precisely Reich's dictum about the functional identity of the extreme Left and Right, but also exposes a deeper-lying "common functioning principle" of Islamic-Saharasian totalitarianism, the connections between which I have most recently demonstrated both historically and geographically. (24)

The above revelations, and a good examination of the specific critical materials cited, should provide the ultimate discreditation of Chomsky for anyone with genuinely liberal sentiments (ie, concerns about genocide, justice, human rights, freedom, honesty, genuine scholarship, defeating totalitarianism, etc.). If it was possible to do so by email and internet, I'd wish to post a skull and crossbones sign on his publications, and similar works of historical revisionism, in the spirit of Santayana's Law, that "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it". With my own eyes, I have seen people take a deep drink from the revisionist's poisoned well, only to rise up having been wholly blinded to the authentic history of the 20th Century, and begin throwing hate at Americans, "the Jews" and Western democracy in general, a new form of generalized "scapegoating" among those who enjoy all the benefits the West can offer, while simultaneously openly supporting some of the most blood-soaked dictators and totalitarian fanatics one could imagine. The strange phenomenon of Western intellectuals, movie-stars and antiwar activists, throwing hate at Bush, imperfect leader of the free world, and then jetting over to give a big friendly hug to mass-murderers like Saddam Hussein or Kim Jung Il also can be traced back to similar poisoned wells, which legitimize bringing to the surface all the buried anger and rage people carry in their guts, and transform the character no less than wearing of the mythical "Ring" of Tolkien. They would have us believe, the world would be a better place if only the West, the USA and Israel in particular, had not existed. Chomsky's widespread network of imitators and supporters, who uncritically parrot his distortions (25) don't seem bothered by his helpful support for the crass Jew-hatred and historical revisionism of the Holocaust deniers, nor about the fakery discovered in his citations by Coen, Horowitz, and others (22, 23)... but full details are now OUT, never again to be put back under the cloak. The main point here is, that his writings have been a major impetus for nearly all the hate-America, hate-Israel, hate-the-West publications of the last years following 9-11, when the Bush people were shocked out of their isolationist stupor and actually started to do something to hold the international Islamic terror brigades responsible for their murderous actions.

And then there is Michael Moore -- his lampooning of corporate America was, at least, an entertaining contribution to the social debate, but now he's moved on to more serious subject matter. Since making his millions by skewering capitalism, he's also plunged into the conspiracy swamp and is preparing a new disinformation film Fahrenheit 911, financed with $3 million from Disney/Miramax, that will blame Bush and the CIA (and Mossad?) for the 9-11 terror attacks.(26) Moore has shown himself to be expert in the use of "lies of omission" -- as well as of commission -- which most people won't know about unless they consult his critics. His film Bowling for Columbine stimulated small "town meetings" across the USA, mostly by folks of liberal sentiments who were so outraged by what he showed them, they felt they had to "do something to save America". However, many other Americans (ie, myself) only became outraged at Moore, especially once the full extent of his lies and distortions were revealed. How many will have noticed, his splicing of the images of Charlton Heston, figurehead for the National Rifle Association, from at least two different speeches at two different times, misrepresenting them as happening only immediately after the Columbine tragedy? I didn't spot the deception, but now that others have made me aware of it, I can see it, easily, as Heston wears two different suits and ties in the two different speeches from two different dates. Moore undertook a carefully crafted lie, designed to make Heston appear as a cruel-hearted Bastard who did not care one bit about children being shot dead in public schools. In fact, Michael Moore was the real Bastard, using the deaths of those kids to advance his own political agendas, and that is only one example of his methods. The devil is in the details, which in this case one can find most clearly gathered and discussed at the "mooreexposed.com" web site of David T. Hardy,(27) a Tucson lawyer with genuine working-class roots and a respect for facts, who has devoted considerable time and energy to revealing the quite elaborated deceptions in Moore's books and films:

On mooreexposed.com, Hardy gives a damning critique of the Bowling for Columbine movie:

    "Moore altered history, misled his viewers, and edited the footage and audio in such a way as to reverse the meaning. In one case, he took a speech of a person he desired to target; the problem was that the speech was in fact conciliatory and mild. So he spliced in footage from another speech, cut out paragraphs, and spliced the beginning of one sentence to the ending of another. In another, when he wanted to criticize a political advertisement, but it wasn't as pointed as he wanted, he spliced together two different political ads, then added titling which was in neither."

The precise details of Moore's lying in Bowling, Stupid White Men, Downsize This and Dude, Where's My Country? are presented by Hardy as well. He has a marvelous spoof essay on the "shadowy connections between Moore and the Bin Ladens", using the same over-reaching illogic as employed by Moore and others against Bush.(28) And he is not alone in gathering together documentation on Moore's quite deliberate distortions. Again, with some digging, an internet search brought forth a list of websites exposing Michael Moore's deceptions.(29)[Also see the numerous new items in the "Postscript" section below.]

If you like Moore's works, and think he really is a good guy who wants to expose hidden facts and truth to mostly-ignorant Americans, you owe it to yourself to review these on-line materials. I'll add my own observation, made at the Hugendubel bookstore in Berlin. The cover of Moore's book Downsize This in the American edition shows him respectfully tipping his hat to the reader. The German edition, published in 2003, shows him menacingly holding forth several sticks of dynamite, in the manner of a terrorist. Compare the books being sold on Amazon.com versus Amazon.de (30) The differences between the covers for his Bowling for ColumbineChristian Science Monitor cited in the first paragraph of this article, by a reporter who asked a lot of questions during his own trip to Germany, suggests people who attend Moore's lectures, like those who read Chomsky's missives, come away with an increased hatred for America and Americans. Have Americans now become the new international scapegoats, in addition to the Jews? DVDs are even more alarming: The American edition shows Moore respectfully "tipping his hat" once again, while the German edition shows a cartoon figure of a child playing with toys and waving an American flag, but with a bullet-wound in the forehead and blood dripping down.(31) Most certainly he knows such contemptuous photos suggesting his emotional partnership with terrorism and the "hate America" (and Americans) crowd would be a shock to even his most admiring American fans. Before digging into this matter, I had no i